JAPANESE MINKA XCVI - INTERIORS 37: BATHING AREAS 4

The technology for making stave barrels/tubs (oke 桶) advanced in the Muromachi period (Muromachi jidai 室町時代, 1336 - 1573), but the use of these as bathtubs didn’t spread to minka until the custom of bathing became widespread in the mid Edo period (Edo jidai 江戸時代 1603 - 1868). In minka in Kantо̄ (関東), the region of eastern Japan centred on Edo (Tо̄kyо̄), there were elliptical (da-en-gata 楕円形) bath tubs (furo-oke 風呂桶), often with a ‘jujube-shaped’ (natsume-gata なつめ型 or 棗型) iron kettle (tetsu-gama 鉄釜) built into them; varieties include the sue-buro (据え風呂, ‘squat/sit down bath’), oke-buro (桶風呂, ‘barrel bath’) and teppо̄-buro (鉄砲風呂 ‘gun bath’). These baths have no particular need for a bathroom (yoku-shitsu 浴室), so they could be installed in a corner of the earth-floored utility area (doma 土間), or outside, under the eaves.

A primitive tub bath (oke-buro 桶風呂). There is no flue (endо̄ 煙道), only a large feeder opening (taki-guchi 焚口). Its efficiency is poor, requiring four or five hours to heat the water. Toyama Prefecture.

The ‘barrel bath’ or ‘tub bath’ (oke-furo 桶風呂) is portable, so can be set up in a corner of the doma, under the eaves outside as in this example, or elsewhere. Its kettle (kama 釜) has separate feeder opening (taki-guchi 焚口) and exhaust flue (endо̄ 煙道), and represents an improvement in efficiency over what came before.

A scene full of wild charm: an open-air bath (yaten-buro 野天風呂) screened by banana plants (bashou 芭蕉) on Amami (奄美) Island, Kagoshima Prefecture. Also known as kana-buro (鉄風呂, ‘iron bath’), in which the hot water kettle (yu-gama 湯釜) is used as-is as a bathtub (yoku-sо̄ 浴槽), with the fire directly underneath (jikabi-shiki 直火式, ‘direct fire type’). With the addition of a permanent stove (kamado 釜土) structure, this type of bath evolved into the Goemon-buro (五右衛門風呂); it can be seen that this style, together with the portable ‘tub bath’ (oke-buro 桶風呂), in which a heating apparatus (ka-netsu souchi 加熱装置) is attached to a hot water tub (yu-oke 湯桶), represent the two main paths of development of the ‘bathtub’ (yoku-sou 浴槽).

Two simple bath types. On the left, a teppо̄-buro (鉄砲風呂 ‘gun bath’), in which fuel is burnt in an iron tube (tetsu no tsutsu 鉄の筒), which transfers its heat directly into the surrounding water. The bather is protected from burns by a fence (kashо̄ bо̄shi no saku 火傷防止の柵, ‘burn prevention fence’). On the right, a Goemon-buro (五右衛門風呂), with stove (kamado 竃), iron pot (tetsu no nabe 鍋), bath tub (furo-oke 風呂桶), and a board (ita 板) which serves double duty, as a lid (futa-ita 蓋板) when the bath is being heated, then as the ‘bottom board’ (soko-ita 底板), placed in the iron pot so the bather can sit in it without being burned.　

In contrast, in the Kansai (関西) region, broadly western Japan, there were many of what are called Goemon-buro (五右衛門風呂), baths in which water in a bathtub with a cast-iron (chūtetsu 鋳鉄) kettle at its base is heated by a fire directly below. It can burn straw, leaves and trash as fuel. The name derives from Ishikawa Goemon (石川五右衛門), a legendary bandit and Robin Hood-like outlaw folk hero of the Azuchi-Momoyama period (Azuchi-Momoyama jidai 安土桃山時代, 1573 - 1603) who was executed by boiling alive. Like the sue-buro, the Goemon-buro is not portable, and was built in a corner of the interior, outside, or in a dedicated bathroom (yoku-shitsu 浴室) in a detached bathhouse building. As indicated by another of its alternate names Chо̄shū-buro (長州風呂), from long ago the Goemon-buro was distributed in southern Chо̄shū (長州, present-day Yamaguchi Prefecture). According to some sources, the Chо̄shū-buro is distinguished from the Goemon-buro in that the former has a cast-iron cast-iron (chūtetsu 鋳鉄) bathtub (yokusо̄ 浴槽) and a flue (endо̄ 煙道), traditionally constructed of ridge tiles (muna-gawara 棟瓦) or stone

Left, a Goemon-buro (五右衛門風呂) with tub (oke 桶), bottom board (soko-ita 底板), cast-iron (chūtetsu-sei 鋳鉄製) ) bath kettle (furo-gama 風呂釜), and stove (kamado かまど). Right, a Chо̄shū-buro (長州風呂), with cast-iron tub/kettle, bottom board, ‘smoke path’ (endо̄ 煙道), stove, and chimney/flue (entotsu 煙突).

A Chо̄shū-buro built with natural stones with a dedicated bathroom (yoku-shitsu 浴室) built around it.

The sue-buro is thought to have developed from attaching a bathing (yu-ami 湯浴み) barrel (yutо̄ 湯桶) or tub (tarai 盥) to a kettle (kama 釜); while the ‘direct fire type’ (jikabi-shiki 直火式) bath like the Chо̄shū-buro, where a ‘stove’ (kamado 釜土) is built, is thought to have developed out of the kettle (kama 釜) of the kiln bath (kama-buro 窯風呂); in this too, the distinction between hot water (yu 湯) and bath (furo 風呂) seems acknowledged.

Old illustration of a sue-buro (据え風呂, ‘squat/sit down bath’)

A sue-buro in its bathroom setting. The bath is filled from the single cold tap. The fence separating the bather from the hot firebox is visible in the tib, as is the hole above the firebox for the flue, which is not attached. The low door allows the fire to be conveniently fed from outside with firewood stored under the eaves.

Today the majority of minka have their own bathing facilities, but in the past this was not the case. Several households might share a communal bath and heat it on a rota system, with firewood gathered collectively, called gо̄gi (合木, lit. ‘join wood’). There were also arrangements in which each house’s bath was heated in order, and residents would have the use of each others’ facilities, a practice called morai-buro (貰い風呂, ‘receive bath’). In these systems, it was more practical to establish bathhouse structures separate from their houses, as in the picture below.

A detached bath house with a ‘direct fire type’ (jikabi-shiki 直火式) bath, visible on the left, consisting of a wooden tub and shallow iron kettle, with firebox opening below. As a separate structure, the bath house is convenient for morai-buro (貰い風呂), the practice of villagers’ using each others’ baths in turn. Yamagata Prefecture.

As a method of making most efficient use of scarce hot water, a ‘hybrid’ style of bathing, combining hot water bathing and steam bathing, can be found from the east side of Lake Biwa in the Kinki region to the Hokuriku region. In this method of bathing, the bathtub (furo-oke 風呂桶) is deep; when one enters it and closes the lid, it can be sealed off; while washing with the hot water one also bathes in the steam. This method of bathing makes sense in drafty minka in the country’s cold-climate regions. The deep tubs are named after their form: yu-daru (湯樽 ‘bath barrel’), or also simply yu-uke (湯桶 ‘hot water tub’). Though the tubs themselves are deep, the level of water in them is only around 20cm; it is a ‘sealed style’ (mippei-shiki 密閉式) of bathing (nyū-yoku 入浴, lit. ‘enter bathe’) where the hot water is scooped up over one’s body; the method is also called iri-yu (居り湯; here iru 居る means ‘to sit’). On Sado (佐渡) Island, there are baths of the same kind, and the bathtub (furo-oke 風呂桶) is called oroke (おろけ), from iri-yu no oke (居り湯の桶 ‘tub of sitting hot water’).

A woman bathing in a barrel bath (oke-buro 桶風呂) with attached firebox and flue, 1911.

A woman bathing in a sue-buro, 1945.

JAPANESE MINKA XCV - INTERIORS 36: BATHING AREAS 3

The modern Japanese word for ‘bath’ is furo (風呂, lit. ‘wind spine’). The fu of furo refers to air (kūki 空気), and the ro here has the meaning of ‘surround’ or ‘enclose’ (kakou 囲う): furo originally indicated not a ‘bathtub’ or other container to hold hot water, but a relatively airtight room or space, through which air or wind (kaze 風) does not pass. It is in this sense of the word that, in the Hokuriku region, cupboards and toilets (water closets) are also called furo, or at least were until recent times.

In the regions surrounding the Seto Inland Sea (Seto-Naikai 瀬戸内海), there were from long ago furo called iwa-buro or ishi-buro (石風呂, ‘rock/stone bath’). These baths probably originated when sailors (ama 海士), needing to warm themselves, burned driftwood in rock pools. Later, firewood was burnt in enclosures (kake 郭) constructed of stone; once the stones had heated up, the fire was raked out, water was poured onto the perimeter wall, and people took straw mats soaked in seawater into the enclosure, to sit enveloped in ‘steam’ (jо̄ki 蒸気) and hot air (nekki 熱気). These enclosures were usually around eight jо̄ (帖), or 13m², in size, with an entrance around 90cm high and 60cm wide, hung with a mat (mushiro 莚). The exterior side of the stone wall was plastered with earth, and a roof structure was added to keep wind and rain out, and heat and steam in. Bathers did not bathe naked, but in old clothes. This type of bath is distributed across the coastal areas of Yamaguchi, Hiroshima, Okayama, Ehime, and Kagawa Prefectures. Its exact origins are unknown, but it is thought to have come from central Asia via Korea (Chо̄sen 朝鮮). There are places where iwa-buro were still in use until recently, such as one on the outskirts of Imabari City (Imabari-shi今治市), Ehime Prefecture, which may still operate sporadically as a volunteer-staffed tourist attraction.

Primitive bath types.

Left, a ‘salt bath’ (shio-furo 塩風呂). At around 2.7m in height, it is somewhat larger than the Yase kiln bath, but its method of firing and entry are essentially the same. Pine branches are burnt in it, then grass mats soaked in salt water are laid down.

Middle: the Yase ‘kiln bath’ (kama-buro 窯風呂), around 1.8m in height, with a floor area of around three tatami mats, or about 5m2. The floor is laid with flat stones.

Right: a ‘stone bath’ (iwa-buro 石風呂) in Sakurai, Imabari City, Ehime Prefecture, made by hollowing out a natural rock hill. The front slope has been stabilised with concrete.

The Kishimi stone bath (Kishimi ishi-buro 岸見石風呂) in Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Similar in type to the iwa-buro is the ‘kiln bath’ (kama-buro 窯風呂), as in the example in Rakuhoku Yase (洛北八瀬), Kyо̄to City, shown in the image below. This is completely dry hot-air bathing (nekki-yoku 熱気浴) or ‘sweat bathing’ (hakkan-yoku 発汗浴), where the low humidity promotes and optimises the effect of sweating. The relationship of this bath to the iwa-buro is not clear, but in form it is identical to a charcoal kiln (sumiyaki-gama 炭焼窯), and it is reasonably surmised that the idea for the kama-buro came soon after the advent of sumiyaki-gama and pottery/ceramic kilns (tо̄yо̄ 陶窯). Regardless, both iwa-buro and kama-buro are comparatively large-scale in their construction and operation; their interiors are completely dark; their entrances are narrow, and getting in and out of them is awkward: they are primitive in every aspect.

An old kiln bath (kama-buro 窯風呂) preserved in Rakuhoku Yase, Kyо̄to Prefecture.

Steam baths (mushi-buro 蒸し風呂), which accompanied Buddhism to Japan from the continent, are a step more advanced: large iron pots/kettles (tetsu-gama 鉄釜) are used to heat the water, and structures in with various architectural features grew up around them. Famous examples are the ‘warm rooms’ (on-shitsu 温室), essentially sauna, of Hо̄ryūji (法隆寺), Daianji (大安寺) and Saidaiji (西大寺) temples, and the ‘Tang bath’ (kara-furo or kara-buro 唐風呂) of Hokke-ji (法華寺) temple, though in this particular example kara-furo is written 浴室, which is normally read yoku-shitsu (‘bathing room’). Of course these baths were used by the monks and the noble guests they entertained, but they were also open to the general public for bathing while traveling (tabi-yoku 旅浴) or on pilgrimage. These bathing houses are constructed such that within the grand outer building there is a smaller, house-like, gable-roofed structure with a raised ‘grating’ (sunoko 簀の子) floor covered with mats (goza 茣蓙); to its rear is the kama-ba (釜所), the space for the large hot water kettle or cauldron (yu-gama 湯釜), arranged so that steam and heat are drawn under the floor and up into the inner structure.

Illustration showing the operation of the kara-furo (唐風呂) ‘bathroom’ (yoku-shitsu 浴室) of Hokke-ji (法華痔) temple. Labelled are the kettle (kama 釜), ‘steam’ (jо̄ki 蒸気), grating floor (sunoko スノコ), floor mats (goza ゴザ), cypress (hinoki ヒノキ) fragrant wood (koboku 香木) as herbal medicine (shо̄yaku 生薬), ‘water place’ (mizu-ba 水場), and entry/exit (de-iri-guchi 出入口).

Exterior view of the kara-furo (浴室) of Hokke-ji temple.

Interior view of the kara-furo (浴室) of Hokke-ji temple.

As mentioned, the earliest public baths (sento 銭湯) were also of the steam-bath type (mushi-buro keishiki 蒸し風呂形式); so humidity and heat did not escape, there was a board wall between the ‘changing room’ (datsui-shitsu 脱衣室) and the bath room (yoku-shitsu 浴室), with a low, gate-like entrance called a zakuro-guchi (ざくろ口 ‘pomegranate door’) through which people had to crawl to enter. This arrangement is effective in preserving temperature, so it survived even after the change to hot water bathing (onyu-yoku 温湯浴). The image below shows a zakuro-guchi style bathroom entry surviving in an inn (hatago-ya 旅籠屋) in Kiso (木曽). In the past, mirrors were polished with pomegranate vinegar, and presumably the name zakuro-guchi arose because the frame of the tiny entrance would be polished to a mirror finish by the bodies of those squeezing through it.

A zakuro-guchi (ざくろ口) entrance in the bathroom (yu-dono 湯殿) of a reconstructed inn (hatago-ya 旅籠屋) in Kiso, Nagano Prefecture. The zakuro-guchi prevents the dispersal of steam; in the past these entrances were even smaller. The yu-dono has a wainscot of stone cladding, and the floor is laid with timber boards that are scored to prevent slipping.

At some point there appeared steam baths for individual, domestic use, called todana-buro (戸棚風呂, ‘cupboard bath’), which were fitted with a wooden door (to 戸) to retain heat and steam.

Illustration of an individual steam bath for private domestic use, the todana-buro (戸棚風呂, ‘cupboard bath’). Labelled are the door (to 戸), the ‘washing place’ (arai-ba 洗い場), and the firebox door (taki-guchi 焚き口).

JAPANESE MINKA XCIV - INTERIORS 35: BATHING AREAS 2

There are two types of non-ritual or ‘hygienic’ bathing (nyūyoku 入浴, lit. ‘enter bathe’) in Japan: hot water bathing (ontо̄-yoku 温湯浴, lit. ‘warm-hot water-bathing’) and steam bathing (jо̄ki-yoku 蒸気浴, lit. ‘steam-air-bathing’). The public bath (sentо̄ 銭湯) is called the furo-ya (風呂屋, lit. ‘bath house’) in Kansai, and yu-ya (湯屋, lit. ‘hot water house’) in Kantо̄, and the room containing the bath (yoku-shitsu 浴室, lit. ‘bathing room’) is called the furo-ba (風呂場, lit. ‘bath place’) or yu-dono (湯殿, lit. ‘hot water hall’), but the conflation or melding of yu (湯, hot water) and furo (風呂, bath) did not begin until the middle of the Edo period (Edo jidai 江戸時代, 1603 - 1868). It was at around that time that public baths appeared in Edo; at first these were for steam bathing (jо̄ki-yoku 蒸気浴), but before long they had switched to hot water bathing. Furo originally referred to steam-bath type (mushi-buro keishiki 蒸し風呂形式) ‘sweat bathing’ (hakkan-yoku 発汗浴), while yu meant ‘immersing oneself in heated water’ (ontо̄-yoku 温湯浴).

The Japanese language has different words for cold water (mizu 水) and hot or heated water (yu 湯). The etymological origin of yu (湯, hot water) is said to be 斎 yu, a reading that survives today only in names; today 斎 is typically read sai, meaning (religious) purification or purity (shо̄jо̄ 浄清). There is the term saikai-mokuyoku (斉戒沐浴), ‘purity admonition ablution bathing’ undertaken before Buddhist or Shintо̄ prayer or other sacred activities, but this is done in a natural (flowing) body of water, i.e. a river or stream, or at a man-made facility such as a well, without regard to the water temperature; mokuyoku/yu-ami (沐浴) means to bathe (mizu-abi 水浴び) in order to purify the body (mi wo kiyomeru 身を清める). Bathing in naturally-occurring hot springs (onsen 温泉) and bathing in hot water were originally undertaken for recuperative or therapeutic (ryо̄yо̄ 療養) aims; long ago, this bathing (nyūyoku) was done wearing a kata-bira (帷子): a thin, unlined robe. As the purpose of bathing gradually shifted towards purifying (jо̄ketsu 浄潔) the body (shintai 身体), bathing came to be undertaken naked.

Gyо̄zui, transferring heated water to a tub (tarai 盥) and washing in it, is the simplest form of hot water bathing, but as indicated by old terms like sensoku/sensuku (洗足 lit. ‘wash feet’), by which gyо̄zui is known in some regions, it was not initially full-body bathing (zenshin-yoku 全身浴).

The yu-dono (湯殿, lit. ‘bathing hall’), the ‘bathroom’ (yoku-shitsu 浴室) built as a separate structure in the shinden-zukuri (寝殿造り) residential complexes of the nobility, was also a facility for heated water mokuyoku. This style of bathroom survived in minka, in the form like that seen in the image below. For the convenience of drainage, the floor boards are given a fall, but otherwise there are no fixtures or fittings.

In a yu-ami style (yu-ami keishiki 湯浴み) ‘bathroom’ (yu-dono 湯殿), there are no facilities or fixtures whatsoever, other than the fall given to the floorboards to ensure good drainage. Of those that survive, many are used as storage rooms. Former Sasaki family (Sasaki-ke 佐々木家) residence, Nagano Prefecture, now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum (Nihon Minka-en 日本民家園), Kanagawa Prefecture.

In the farmhouses of the Iya-dani (祖谷) region of Shikoku, bathroom (yokushitsu 浴室) and toilet (benjo 便所) were built projecting out from the centre of the south-facing facade (omote-gawa 表側), into and beyond the ‘verhandah’ (en 縁). A hole is opened in one part of the bamboo grate (takesu 竹簀) floor to serve as a urinal (shо̄benjo 小便所); the rest of the space is used as a facility for bathing (gyо̄zui 行水) and foot-washing (sensoku 洗足) on returning from the fields (nora-gaeri 野良帰り).

In most minka in the Iya-dani region of Shikoku, the toilet and bathing place project out from the centre of the southern facade. Nishimoto family (Nishimoto-ke 西本家) residence.

In the same way, in one part of the Chūgoku (中国) region, a bathing place (furo-ba 風呂場) and toilet (benjo 便所) are located beside the entrance (toguchi-waki (戸口脇) to the doma, at one end of the facade-side verandah (en 縁); often there is also a large fertiliser pot there. This facility is in front of the zashiki and close to the entrance, and one might think that the smell would be terrible, but a more important consideration was to position it on the southern, sun side, where decomposition was faster and good fertiliser (koyashi 肥し) could be obtained.

A toilet and bath established on the zashiki engawa. The bathroom flanks the entrance on the right. The bath is a ‘flue heated type’ (endо̄-kanetsu-shiki 煙道加熱式), called a Chōshū bath (chōshū-buro 長州風呂). The bathwater drains into the ‘toilet pot’ (ben-ko 便壷), also known as the ‘fertiliser pot’ (koe-tsubo 肥壷), to be used along with excreta as fertiliser (hi-ryō 肥料). This pot is called a kago-tsubo (カゴ壷); it is almost two metres in diameter, and is secured in place with red clay (aka-tsuchi 赤土). Hyōgo Prefecture.

A Chōshū bath (chōshū-buro 長州風呂) of the type used in the minka shown above.

JAPANESE MINKA XCIII - INTERIORS 34: BATHING AREAS 1

It is often said that one of the factors behind the ‘traditional’ Japanese love of bathing is that Japan’s warm and humid climate has necessitated it.  However, though public baths (sentо̄ 銭湯) first appeared in the middle of the Edo period (Edo jidai 江戸時代, 1603 - 1868) in urban centres, in regional and rural areas the daily bath is still a relatively recent custom.

In mountain and island villages, where water was not conveniently available, the process of filling a bath — multiple repetitions of walking to a distant communal well, lifting the well bucket, transferring the water into one’s own bucket (mizu-taru 水樽), carrying it home, and emptying it into a bathtub — meant great effort. In lowland rice field areas, where trees are scarce, obtaining firewood was also difficult. Even where there were water and firewood, farmers, harried from dawn to dusk by hard labour, did not have the time nor the mind to heat and enjoy a bath at the end of the day.

A traditional ‘water bucket’ (mizu-oke 水桶) or ‘hand bucket’ (te-oke 手桶).

At best they would stop at the well on returning from the fields (nora-gaeri 野良帰り) to wash their dirty hands and feet and wipe down their bodies; they would only bathe (gyо̄zui 行水, lit. ‘go water’) in the warmer months, or on days when it was warm enough to do so. Even at the beginning of the Taishо̄ era (Taishо̄ jidai, 1912 - 1926), farmers bathed at a frequency of around once or twice a month, as reported in a survey conducted at the time.

Unlike in recent times, with the widespread availability of propane gas and reticulated water, in pre-war rural villages heating large volumes of water was difficult, and immersing oneself up to the neck in a bath generously filled with hot water was still a luxury; the amount of hot water used in bathing was extremely small. In some areas of Kansai, there were baths in which immersion was at most up to the hips, as indicated in the names heso-furo (へそ風呂, lit. ‘belly button bath’) and kin-nurashi (きんぬらし, lit. ‘ball (testicle) wetter’).

A heso-buro (へそ風呂) in a museum.

An old photograph of a heso-buro in situ.

In farm minka, old bathwater was utilised as fertiliser, and the bathtub often doubled as the fertiliser pot (koe-tsubo 肥壷). From the belief that the richer in dirt (aka 垢) and oil (abura 脂) the bathwater was, the more effective as fertiliser it became, it was normal to use the same bathwater for many days without changing it, until it became thick and muddy and began to smell. Where there was a separate bathtub and fertiliser pot, the bathtub was emptied through a bamboo screen (takesu 竹簀) floor into the koe-tsubo below, and the smell of the disturbed and warmed liquid in the koe-tsubo would fill the bathing place. There is no possibility of a ‘love of bathing’ developing under such conditions.

A fertiliser pot (koe-tsubo 肥壷).

JAPANESE MINKA XCII - INTERIORS 33: FORMAL AREAS 9

This post will examine ceilings (tenjо̄ 天井) in the formal room (zashiki) and in minka more generally.  The main functions of a ceiling are to hide the complex, ‘messy’ structural timbers of the roof space, to ‘formalise’ and provide ornament to the interior, and to prevent the movement of air, thus preserving heat.  In extremely basic zashiki in farming and mountain village minka, ceilings are not installed, with the beam structure (hari-gumi 梁組) of the roof space (yane-ura 屋根裏) left exposed, but the typical zashiki is provided with a suspended ceiling (tsuri-tenjо̄ 釣り天井).  Rarely, magnificent coffered ceilings (gо̄-tenjо̄ 格天井, ‘lattice ceiling’) can also be found, but zashiki ceilings are normally batten ceilings (sao-buchi tenjо̄ 竿縁天井).

A batten ceiling (sao-buchi tenjо̄ 竿縁天井) in a zashiki. The battens (sao-buchi), as is customary, run parallel to the wall in which the tokonoma is contained, and are spaced at four per ken (間 1.81m), or about 455mm. Isa family (Isa-ke 伊佐家) residence, Kyо̄to Prefecture.

The ceiling battens and ‘cornices’ (mawari-buchi 廻縁) of the batten ceiling (sao-buchi tenjо̄ 竿縁天井) in this ‘high spec’ zashiki, like most of the other timber members visible here, are lacquered (urushi-nuri 漆塗り). Sakurai family (Sakurai-ke 桜井家) residence, Ishikawa Prefecture.

A coffered ceiling (gо̄-tenjо̄ 格天井) installed in a building under construction. Labelled are the ‘lattice battens’ (gо̄-buchi 格縁) and flat-sawn (ita-me 板目) ceiling boards (tenjо̄-ita 天井板).

A carpenter installing ceiling boards (tenjо̄-ita 天井板) over the ceiling battens (sao-buchi 竿縁) in a new ceiling.

In the sao-buchi tenjо̄, slender battens (sao-buchi 竿縁, lit. ‘pole/rod edge’) are suspended from the roof beams via timber hangers (tsuri-ki 釣木, lit. ‘hang timber’), and thin (perhaps only 3mm or so), wide boards of Japanese cedar (sugi 杉, Cryptomeria japonica) or the like are lapped (ha-gasane 羽重ね lit. ‘wing/feather layering’) over the battens and perpendicular to them.  The boards are usually lapped by 20mm or so; if thicker boards are used, they may be thinned at the lap.

A batten ceiling (sao-buchi tenjо̄ 竿縁天井) illustrated from above and below, showing ceiling boards (tenjо̄-ita 天井板), battens (sao-buchi 竿縁), ‘cornices’ (mawari-buchi 廻り縁), batten hangers (tsuri-ki 吊木 or 釣木), hanger support (tsuri-ki uke 吊木受け), and ‘over battens’ (no-buchi 野縁 or ura-san 裏桟). Common standard pitches for the battens are 303mm, 455mm, 606mm, and 910mm.

Illustration showing various batten (saobuchi さお縁) profiles (keijо̄ 形状) and dimensions (sunpо̄ 寸法). In an example of traditional builders’ understanding of fractal scaling and proportionality in design, dimensions are given not in absolute units but as fractions of the building’s structural post (hashira 柱) dimensions. For example, if the post dimensions were 100mm x 100mm, the batten at top left would be 25mm x 25mm, with 10mm chamfers.

A traditional, labour-intensive method of hanging the battens (sao-buchi さお縁) from the hangers tsuri-ki 釣木), using a type of dovetail joint called yose-ari (寄せあり, lit. ‘draw together ant’) and a peg or wedge (komi-sen 込み栓). The ceiling boards (tenjо̄-ita 天井板) are cut around the joint and the cut is concealed by the batten.

More modern methods of construction: above, the hanger and ‘overbatten’ (no-buchi 野縁) are nailed together; below, the batten (sao-buchi さお縁) is suspended from a wire (tsuri-tessen 釣り鉄線) and screw eye (hiiton ヒートン).

With very thin ceiling boards (tenjо̄-ita 天井板), in this case 3mm, the lap can be formed by simply bending the timber.

Methods used for lapping thicker ceiling boards include: above, thinning a part of one board with a channel so it can be bent over the chamfered edge of the other; and below, inserting the double-bevelled edge of one board into the saw-cut edge of the other.

It is preferred that the sao-buchi run parallel to the wall that the decorative alcove (tokonoma 床の間) is in; the opposite arrangement, when the sao-buchi run perpendicular to the toko wall, is called toko-zashi (床差し, lit. ‘toko facing’) and is strongly disliked.  There are not a few toko-zashi ceilings in old minka, however. 

In the unusual kiri-ko tenjо̄ (切り子天井, lit. ‘cut child ceiling’), ceiling boards and permeable screen panels (sunoko 簀の子), usually of bamboo, are used in combination, the aim being to exhaust the smoke from the firepit (irori 囲炉裏).  These ceilings are found in minka on the warm-climate Hachijо̄ Island (Hachijо̄ jima 八丈島), south of Tо̄kyо̄.  In Japan’s more typical climates, warmer air rising into the roof space not only in itself prevents the room from warming or retaining warmth, but the convection current set up also draws cold air from under the floor and into the room, and so it is said that one should aim for as airtight a ceiling as possible.  In a zashiki with such a ceiling, only charcoal would be used for a fire.

This ceiling, from a minka on Hachijо̄ Island (Hachijо̄ jima 八丈島), is a type of batten ceiling (sao-buchi tenjо̄ 竿縁天井) that combines sections of the typical board (tenjо̄-ita 天井板) and batten construction with sections of screen (sunoko 簀の子) and batten construction, as seen here. This type of ceiling is known as kiri-ko tenjо̄ (切り子天井). Okiyama family (Okiyama-ke 沖山家) residence, Tо̄kyо̄ Prefecture.

Zashiki ceilings, as seen in in the images included here, are almost always sao-buchi tenjо̄, but if an enclosed ‘verandah’ (engawa 縁側) is associated with the zashiki, its roof structure is often left exposed. As the engawa is at the building perimeter in the ‘eave space’ (geya 下屋) beyond the exterior wall plane, the roof structure here typically only consists of rafters (taruki 垂木) and so is neater in appearance than the more complex roof structure over the main jо̄ya (上屋) space of the building where the zashiki is located. Later-period tile-clad (kawara-buki 瓦葺き) or board-clad (ita-buki 板葺き) roofs’ under-eave structures consisted of rafters, sub-roof boards (noji-ita 野地板), tile battens (kawara-zan 瓦桟 or komai 小舞) and anti-ponding boards (hiro-komai 広小舞); when left visible, these members were all finished with a plane (kanna 鉋), and good quality timber, free of knots, cracks or other defects, was used for noji-ita, improving their presentability. These ‘beautified’ noji-ita are called keshо̄ noji-ita (化粧野地板), and such roofs are called keshо̄ yane-ura (化粧屋根裏, lit. ‘cosmetic roof underside’). In thatched roofs (kusa-yane 草屋根, lit. ‘grass roof’) too, when the underside of the roof is left visible, reed screens (yoshizu 葭簀) or the like function as the keshо̄-noji (化粧野地, ‘cosmetic subroof’): they are laid on the rafters, with the thatch laid over them.

The enclosed geya space ‘verandah’ (engawa 縁側) of this building boasts a fine keshо̄ yane-ura (化粧屋根裏, lit. ‘cosmetic roof underside’) with very high quality defect-free rafters (taruki 垂木) and cosmetic sub-roof boards (keshо̄ noji-ita 化粧野地板).

In rooms in which the tea ceremony (茶席 chaseki) is conducted, there may be a desire to emphasise the design of the geya roof structure as a point of appreciation and conversation, so the keshо̄ yane-ura of the geya is incorporated into the room as an interior compositional element, resulting in what is called a kake-komi tenjо̄ (掛込み天井, lit. ‘bring in ceiling’): a ceiling that combines a flat section (hira tenjо̄ 平天井) and a sloped or ‘lean-to’ section (kata-nagare tenjо̄ 片流れ天井); the sloped section of ceiling may be over the genuine perimeter geya space of the structure, or it may be ‘faked’, within the interior jо̄ya space, or even in a modern apartment.

The rear of this tea-room (cha-shitsu 茶室) features a kake-komi tenjо̄ (掛込み天井) that incorporates (or imitates) the geya space roof.

As for ceilings over areas other than the zashiki, often the earth-floored utility area (doma 土間) of minka had a ‘cosmetic roof space’ (keshо̄ koyaura 化粧小屋裏), such as bamboo screens (takesu 竹簀) laid over the beams, to form what is known as a takesu tenjо̄ (竹簀天井, ‘bamboo screen ceiling’). This allowed smoke from the stove (kamado 釜土) or irori (囲炉裏) to rise freely up into the roof space (koya-ura 小屋裏). In Kansai (western Honshū) minka, the kamado was built in a separate part of the doma called the kama-ya (釜屋), and only the ceiling above this part was made permeable; the ceiling over the rest of the doma was airtight. With a ceiling of takesu alone, air flow is excessive, so the upper side of the takesu can be plastered over with clay or earth (tsuchi 土); such a ceiling is called yamato tenjо̄ (大和天井). Yamato tenjо̄ are not used in zashiki, but may be found above the semi-formal dei (でい) and the dining room/kitchen (daidokoro だいどころ or daidoko だいどこ). Alternatively, if the space above the dei or daidoko is used as a kind of attic floor known as tsushi ni-kai (厨子二階), the underside of that floor serves as the ceiling for those spaces below. This type of ceiling is called a neda tenjо̄ (根太天井 ‘joist ceiling’), hari tenjо̄ (梁天井 ‘beam ceiling’), or chikara tenjо̄ (力天井, ‘strength ceiling’). Such ceilings are considered utilitarian (shita-mawari 下回り), in contrast to the formal sao-buchi tenjо̄ of the zashiki.

The main ceiling in this image is a bamboo screen ceiling (sunoko tenjо̄ 簀の子天井), spread on its upper side with a floor of matting (mushiro 莚). The sloped ‘descending ceiling’ (kudari tenjо̄ 下り天井) over the eave space (geya 下屋) is a ‘cosmetic under-roof’ (keshо̄ koya-ura 化粧小屋裏) consisting of reed screens (yoshizu 葭簀) laid over bamboo rafters (taruki 垂木 or 棰). Nomura family (Nomura-ke 野村家) residence, Shiga Prefecture.

In this type of bamboo screen ceiling (sunoko tenjо̄ 簀の子天井) known as yamato tenjо̄ (大和天井), the upper side of the screen is plastered with clay. Yamato tenjо̄ are often used above the earth-floored utility area (doma 土間) and above the non-formal gathering or ‘living’ rooms of the dwelling. Hirai family (Hirai-ke 平井家), Shiga Prefecture.

JAPANESE MINKA XCI - INTERIORS 32: FORMAL AREAS 8

In the course of this series of minka, many mentions have already been made of the en-gawa (縁側, lit. ‘edge side’), sometimes just en (縁, ‘edge’): the ‘verandah’ space of the minka.  Here, we will examine the engawa in the context of its place and role in the formal room, the zashiki (座敷).

The en in this minka connects the semi-formal dei (でい) and formal zashiki (ざしき). The verandah boards are laid perpendicular to the walls of the building. The outer edge of the en is fitted with sliding storm shutters of the saikо̄ amado (採光雨戸, ‘lighting storm shutter’) type, allowing some light to enter the interior even when the shutters are drawn.

In minka, the engawa attached to the zashiki serves as its formal entrance. Where there is a ‘wraparound verandah’ or ‘return verandah’ (mawari-en 回り縁, lit. ‘rotation edge’) running around two sides of the zashiki, one leg of the en will face the viewing garden (kanshо̄ teien 観照庭園), organically connecting zashiki and garden and forming a climatic buffer zone, as well as functioning as a corridor necessary in entertaining/receiving/serving (settai 接待) guests in the zashiki.

A wraparound or return verandah (mawari-en 回り縁) serves the front zashiki (mae-no-zashiki まえのざしき) and rear zashiki (oku-zashiki おくざしき) of this minka. The verandah boards are laid parallel to the walls of the building. Sliding storm shutters (amado 雨戸), indicated by dashed lines, are fitted to the outer edge of the en and stored in pockets at the corner and upper end of the mawari-en.

The engawa of the zashiki is thought to have its origins in the kiri-me en (切目縁, lit. ‘cut eye edge’), a kind of verandah consisting of thick, wide boards laid perpendicular to the external wall perimeter (shūen 周縁) of temples and shrines (dо̄miya 堂宮).

An eye-level view of a kiri-me en (切目縁) on a temple building, showing the exposed end-grain (kiri-me 切目) of the boards.

The boards at the corners of a kiri-me en can be resolved with a square ‘tо̄fu board’ (tо̄fu-ita 豆腐板), as seen here.

Here the kiri-me en corners are resolved by laying the boards radially.

There is also the iri-engawa (入縁側), an en formed under the eaves (geya下屋) that consists of long, narrow boards (en-kure 縁槫れ or kure-en 槫縁) laid parallel to the wall of the building.

Illustration showing the difference between kure-en (槫縁) and kiri-me en (切目縁).

In either case, if there are storm shutters (amado 雨戸, lit. ‘rain door’), and they are located at the immediate outside of the shо̄ji in the exterior wall plane, the en is a gai-en (外縁, lit. ‘outside en’) or a nure-en (濡れ縁, lit. ‘wetted en’), an old style of en exposed to the weather.

A nure-en (濡れ縁), protected by very deep eaves.

Later the amado came to be installed at the external edge of the en, thus bringing the en space into the interior to a degree to form a nai-en (内縁, lit. ‘inside en’); nure-en or gai-en then refers to a ‘secondary’ en exterior to the amado. With the introduction of glass, glazed shо̄ji joined the amado in this position, completing the transformation of the en into an interior corridor (rо̄ka 廊下, lit. ‘corridor under’).

Left, a gai-en (外縁), exterior to the opening fittings (tategu 建具) and exposed to the weather; centre, a nai-en (内縁), with the tategu, likely storm shutters (amado), on its exterior side; right, an iri-gawa en (入側縁), with papered shо̄ji on its interior side and likely glazed shо̄ji and amado on its exterior side, and a narrow, exposed nure-en (濡れ縁) beyond that.

In this old, pre-glass minka, the shouji and amado are both in the external wall plane; the narrow, bench-like en is exposed (nure-en) and laid with two wide, thick boards that run parallel to the wall. There is a pair of storm shutters (amado 雨戸), running in two parallel tracks, in each bay within the depth of the posts, so only half the openings can be utilised to admit light into the interior, unless the amado are removed completely and stored elsewhere.

Another view of the minka shown above.

This image shows two different design solutions. At left, the storm shutters (amado) are in the external wall plane with the shо̄ji; the en is a simple, seemingly unfixed, bench; at centre/right of the image, the amado are positioned at the external edge of the en, with the shо̄ji in the external wall plane, forming a semi-internal corridor.

A tatami-laid iri-gawa en, with papered shо̄ji on its interior side, and amado on its exterior side, all running in a single groove and retracted into a shutter box (to-bukuro 戸袋, lit. ‘door bag’). Exterior to the amado is a narrow nure-en at a lower level, called an ochi-en (落縁, ‘dropped en’), with kure-en (槫縁) boards.

A nai-en at a lower level to the main floor, with papered shо̄ji, storm shutters (amado) running in a single groove and retracted into a shutter box (to-bukuro 戸袋), and kure-en (槫縁) boards.

A wide en is called an en-no-ma (縁の間, ‘en space’), hiro-en (広縁, ‘wide en’) or iri-gawa (入側, ‘enter side’), and may be fully laid with tatami mats, or half with tatami and half with floor boards.

This iri-gawa hiro-en (入側広縁) consists of a tatami-laid (tatami-shiki 畳敷き) part and a part laid with long, narrow en-kure boards en-kure-ita 縁槫板). A very narrow bamboo grate (take-su 竹簀) ‘dropped en’ (ochi-en 落縁) is visible between the hiro-en and the garden. Yoshimura family (Yoshimura-ke 吉村家) residence, О̄saka Prefecture, an Important Cultural Property.

A later style of en: an iri-gawa en with waisted, glazed shо̄ji to its exterior side, semi-papered, semi-glazed waisted shо̄ji to its interior side, and kiri-me en floor boards with a ‘tо̄fu board’ at the corner.

Image showing the zashiki and iri-gawa en of a high-class residence. The shо̄ji between zashiki and en is paper-clad; the zashiki is enclosed with glazed panels, indicating this building as having been built in the Meiji period or later.

A hiro-en (広縁) with en-kure (縁槫) boards, laid perpendicularly to the wall. Here the sliding storm shutters (amado) to the exterior side of the hiro-en do not all run in a single track to retract into a shutter box (tobukuro 戸袋) at the end of the run; rather there is a pair of amado, running in two parallel tracks, in each bay between the posts, which are at one ken (1.81m) centres. Thus only half the exterior side of the hiro-en can be opened up, unless the amado are removed completely and stored elsewhere. Arai family (Arai-ke 荒井家) residence, Tochigi Prefecture, an Important Cultural Property.

A very Japanese composition: a zig-zagging hiro-en, with wide, thick kiri-me en boards, affording glimpses of the zashiki. Okazaki family (Okazaki-ke 岡崎家) residence, Hiroshima Prefecture.

A tatami-laid iri-gawa en with a kiri-me board-laid nure-en. Okamoto family (Okamoto-ke 岡本家) residence, Tochigi Prefecture.

A hiro-en with partly paper-clad, partly glazed, waisted ‘snow viewing’ shо̄ji (yuki-mi shо̄ji 雪見障子) and external amado running on a single track and retracted into a shutter box (tobukuro 戸袋), visible in the background of the image. Here the end-grain of the kiri-me boards is protected by a board or bearer running parallel to the wall. Kyо̄to Prefecture.

The board-floored hiro-en (広縁, lit. ‘wide en’) in front of zashiki in mountain and farming village minka, where there are no visits from distinguished guests, is often used for drying grain, or as a place for weaving or other hand-work. Once the en is ‘interiorised’, a narrow external nure-en becomes even more necessary, for entry and exit, and for relating the house to the garden. Such nure-en are called ochi-en (落ち縁 ‘dropped en’), gai-en (外縁 ‘outside en’), hoka-en (ほかえん ‘other en’), hi-en (ひえん ‘day/sun en’), fumi-kudari (踏み下り ‘step descend’), etc.

An en or part of an en that serves a guest toilet (kami-benjo or uwa-benjo 上便所) is called the chiku-en (竹縁 ‘bamboo en’), or naguri-en (名栗縁), after the materials of its construction; naguri (名栗) refers to a timber finishing technique where patterns are worked into boards or square members with a chisel or adze.　

A chiku-en (竹縁 ‘bamboo en’), leading to a toilet.

Various styles of naguri (名栗) or adze-finished timber

JAPANESE MINKA XC - INTERIORS 31: FORMAL AREAS 7

The akari-shо̄ji, the paper-covered timber lattice sliding partition introduced in last week’s post, is arguably more representative and expressive of the aesthetic of Japanese architecture than any other architectural element.

Akari-shо̄ji used in the main opening and above the transom, demonstrating the dappling and shadow effects characteristic of shо̄ji, not possible with glazed windows.

Today generally just called shо̄ji, the akari-shо̄ji did not appear primarily for aesthetic reasons, however. In practical terms, it functions to obstruct wind and drafts but permit the passage of light, and the precision of its joinery means that it can be opened and closed with a light touch while also being reasonably robust. Its great weakness, however, is its vulnerability to rain and water.

It is thought that the earliest shо̄ji developed out of the shitomi (蔀) or shitomi-do (蔀戸), external wall fittings that date back to the Heian period or earlier and were the principal opening devices of the Buddhist temples and shinden (神殿) residences of that time. Shitomi are characteristically top-hung, and generally present as a fine square lattice that is either ‘blind’ (backed with thin timber boards) or hung with paper.

Illustration showing ha-jitomi (半蔀).

Paper-covered ha-jitomi (半蔀) on a Buddhist temple. The upper panels are top-hung and suspended from iron hooks that hang down from the eave rafters.

Primitive strut-propped board shitomi in a warm-climate minka.

In particular, the ha-jitomi (半蔀, ‘half shitomi’), consisting of a top-hung and outwards-opening upper lattice shutter and a lower removeable lattice panel, evolved into the koshi-daka shо̄ji (腰高障子 lit. ‘waist high shо̄ji’), with an upper half of papered akari-shо̄ji and a lower half of solid board (itado 板戸), which was widespread before the development of sliding storm shutters (amado 雨戸 ‘rain door’) from the later Edo period. The papered upper half of the koshi-daka shо̄ji is protected from the weather by the deep eaves typically found on traditional Japanese buildings.

A pair of painted koshi-daka shо̄ji (腰高障子) from the Azuchi-Momoyama period (Azuchi-Momoyama jidai 安土桃山時代 , 1573 - 1603).

After the introduction of amado, ‘low-waisted’ shо̄ji resembling the modern type and ‘waistless’ shо̄ji called mizu-shо̄ji (水障子, ‘water shо̄ji), mizu-goshi shо̄ji (水腰障子, ‘water waist shо̄ji’) or koshi-nashi shо̄ji (腰無障子, ‘waistless shо̄ji’) appeared, in a rich variety of designs.

Sliding storm shutters (amado 雨戸) protect the akari-shо̄ji in this minka.

It the era before glass, the paper of shо̄ji in external walls could be further protected against rain with a finish of tung oil (kiri-abura 桐油); these oil paper (abura-gami 油紙) shо̄ji were called ‘oil shо̄ji’ (abura shо̄ji 油障子). In snowy regions, in preparation against high snowfall, there are shо̄ji with extremely high waists, and fittings that are perhaps better categorised as ‘lantern storm shutters’ than shо̄ji, called ame-shо̄ji (雨障子, ‘rain shо̄ji) or yamato-shо̄ji (大和障子).

Illustration of a generic ‘waisted’ (koshi-zuke 腰付け) akari-shо̄ji with the parts labelled: top rail (kami-zan 上桟), lattice ‘muntins’ (kumiko 組子), stiles (kamachi 框), mid-rail (naka-zan 中桟), ‘waist board’ (koshi-ita 腰板), and bottom rail (shimo-zan 下桟).

Illustration of some of the common variants of the basic shо̄ji. Top row: koshi-zuke tate-shige yoko-bitai iri (腰付縦しげ横額入り, lit. ‘waisted vertical frequent horizontal picture-frame inserted’); koshi-zuke ara-gumi о̄-bitai iri (腰付荒組大額入り, lit. ‘waisted rough grid big picture-frame inserted’); mizu-koshi ara-gumi yuki-mi (水腰粗組雪見, lit. ‘water waisted rough grid snow view’). Bottom row: koshi-zuke yoko-shige bitai iri (腰付横しげ額入り, lit. ‘waisted horizontal frequent picture-frame inserted’); mizu-koshi ara-gumi mu-chi (水腰粗組無地, lit. ‘water waisted rough grid no ground’); koshi-zuke yoko-shige neko-ma (腰付横しげ猫間, lit. ‘waisted horizontal frequent cat space’).

Mizu-shо̄ji (水障子) with no ‘waist board’ (koshi-ita 腰板), only a bottom rail (shimo-zan 下桟), so the paper and lattice (kumiko 組子) extend almost to the floor.

The introduction of glass saw the development of shо̄ji with a papered upper half and glazed lower half, called yuki-mi shо̄ji (雪見障子, ‘snow viewing shо̄ji’), and neko-ma shо̄ji (猫間障子, ‘cat space shо̄ji’), with operable papered panels that can be slid aside to reveal or hide the glazing and the view as desired.  Cats are notorious for destroying shо̄ji paper, and the neko-ma name and design might come from a motivation to reduce this likelihood by providing them with a view out.  

Yuki-mi shо̄ji (雪見障子) in the end wall of a relatively modern dwelling

The top of the shо̄ji and other types of sliding partition run in grooves cut into the opening head (kamoi 鴨居); in zashiki, there is typically a picture rail or ‘frieze rail’ (nageshi 長押) above the kamoi, but in minka the nageshi might be omitted, and instead a deep lintel beam (sashi-gamoi 差鴨居), with grooved soffit, serves both functionally, to hold the sliding partitions, and visually, as a kind of picture rail.

Even in minka of the higher classes there are examples, as here, where a ‘frieze rail’ (nageshi 長押) is not present, and a deep, grooved lintel beam (sashi-gamoi 差鴨居) is used instead. The transom panels (ranma 欄間) between the rooms are magnificent ‘through-carved’ (tо̄shi-bori 透し彫り) ‘board ranma’ (ita-ranma 板欄間), while between the far room and the external verandah (en 縁) there are sliding shо̄ji panels. The opaque fusuma (襖) partitions are painted in the ‘flower-and-bird picture’ (kachо̄-zu 花鳥図) genre by a famous artist. О̄kaku family (О̄sumi-ke 大角家) residence, Shiga Prefecture, an Important Cultural Property.　東海道 の本陣　梅の木　茶屋是斉屋

Conventionally there are transom panels (ranma 欄間) between the nageshi and the ceiling; in the partition walls between rooms, this is normally a carved ita-ranma. In regional areas you can find many interesting ranma carved with rustic, bold designs; but in the strictly formal ‘palace style’ (goten-fū 御殿風), ranma panels of very finely spaced vertical timber members called osa-ranma (筬欄間, lit. ‘reed ranma’), hanazama (花狹間, lit. ‘flower narrow space’), and take-no-fushi ranma (竹の節欄間 lit. ‘bamboo node ranma’) are used.

Two styles of ranma are used in this space: on the left, an elaborately-carved ita-ranma (板欄間); on the right, a fine lattice osa-ranma (筬欄間).

In the transom between the zashiki and the ‘verandah’ engawa, there is normally a papered lattice sliding shо̄ji panels, but in more ‘stylish’ or fashionable 洒落た zashiki, ‘comb-shaped’ ranma (kushi-kata ranma 櫛形欄間) and ‘corner cut’ ranma (sumi-kiri ranma 隅切欄間) shitaji-mado (下地窓, a window formed by omitting the plaster from part of the wall, leaving the lath exposed, and without a surrounding timber frame) can be found, perhaps covered with a ‘hanging shо̄ji’ (kake-shо̄ji 掛障子).

A ‘comb-shaped’ ranma (kushi-kata ranma 櫛形欄間), with two sliding shо̄ji panels covering the shita-ji mado opening.

A ‘corner cut’ ranma (sumi-kiri ranma 隅切欄間), with two sliding shо̄ji panels covering the shita-ji mado opening. The main opening consists of four yuki-mi shо̄ji.

The silhouette of a ‘flame window’ (katо̄-mado 火灯窓) viewed through closed akari-shо̄ji.

A removeable kake-shо̄ji (掛障子, ‘hanging shо̄ji), used on smaller windows such as shitaji mado. It is suspended by its ‘horns’ (tsuno 角) on two hooks and restrained at the bottom by a third centre hook.

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Generally the zashiki is accompanied on at least one of its sides by an engawa (縁側, often simply en 縁), the perimeter ‘verandah’ space that mediates between interior and exterior in minka. The openings in the wall or walls between the zashiki and the engawa are usually equipped with shо̄ji (障子): sliding partitions consisting of a timber lattice frame with thin translucent paper glued to one side.

Shо̄ji in the external wall of a sukiya-zukuri style building. When shо̄ji are in the external wall, the paper is on the external side.

The word shо̄ji means ‘obstructing thing’ (sawaru mono 障るもの); originally, fusuma (襖, thin, opaque sliding panels clad on both sides with thick paper), timber board partitions (itado 板戸) and other similar room-partitioning fittings (tategu 建具) were all called shо̄ji, and the translucent lattice-and-paper panels that we know as shо̄ji today were called akari-shо̄ji (明り障子, ‘lantern shо̄ji), which is still their formal or ‘correct’ name.

Where an upper and lower zashiki (kami-zashiki 上座敷 and shimo-zashiki 下座敷) are present, the boundary between them is partitioned with fusuma.

A modern house or apartment fitted with shо̄ji on the external window and fusuma between rooms.

The origins of shо̄ji (in the broader sense) are thought to lie in the standing screens (tsui-tate 衝立) and standing folding screens (byо̄bu 屏風) that date back to at least the shinden-zukuri (寝殿造り), the residences of Heian period (Heian jidai 平安時代, 794 - 1185) nobility.

Illustration of a tsui-tate (衝立) shо̄ji, right, and byо̄bu (屏風), left, possibly from the Heian period (Heian jidai 平安時代, 794 - 1185).

A painted standing screen (tsui-tate 衝立).

A standing folding screen (byо̄bu 屏風).

Early shо̄ji were silk-covered (nuno-shо̄ji 布障子 ‘fabric shо̄ji’). At the end of the Heian period, kara-kami shо̄ji (唐紙障子) appeared, covered with ‘Tang paper’ (kara-kami 唐紙) imported from China. In the Kamakura period (Kamakura jidai 鎌倉時代, 1185 - 1333) these spread from the houses of the nobility to upper class residences in general, and in some regions fusuma are still called karakami. Akari-shо̄ji also appeared around this time, but only became more widespread from the Muromachi period (Muromachi jidai 室町時代, 1336 - 1573) on, and then still only in palaces (kyūden 宮殿), Buddhist temples (ji-in 寺院), and the residences of the extreme upper strata of society. For commoners, paper was still a distant luxury.

Fusuma and akari-shо̄ji did not appear in minka until around the middle of the Edo period (Edo jidai 江戸時代 1603 - 1868), but again this was only in relatively affluent minka in the more advanced and sophisticated regions of the country. In mountain villages and low socio-economic status minka, exterior openings consisted of paper directly applied to kiri-mado (切り窓, ‘cut window’, slot-like openings cut into wall boards), shita-ji mado (下地窓, areas of wattle-and-daub wall where the daub is omitted, exposing the wattle) or fixed timber lattice (kо̄shi 格子); even where they existed, akari-shо̄ji were limited to only the main or formal rooms of the dwelling, such as the zashiki.

Two papered shita-ji mado (下地窓) in the wall of a building, possibly a tea-house, in the refined sukiya-zukuri (数寄屋造り) style. The windows are provided with external hooks to hang shutters from.

Kiri-mado (切り窓, ‘cut window’) in the wall of a timber-clad minka.

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Like the tokonoma, the toko-waki (床脇, lit. ‘toko flank’) is an alcove, but where the tokonoma is purely ornamental, the toko-waki combines an ornamental role with functionality. As the name suggests, the toko-waki is located next to the tokonoma and in the same wall; it is on the other side of the tokonoma to the shoin. The toko-waki typically contains some combination of upper suspended cupboards or cabinets (tenbukuro todana 天袋戸棚, lit. ‘heaven bag door shelf’), an open shelf (tana 棚) or shelves, and lower cabinets (chibukurotodana 地袋戸棚, lit. ‘earth bag door shelf’).

In this modern zashiki, the tokonoma (床の間) is between the toko-waki (床脇) and the shoin (書院), which is conventional, but there is also a closet (oshi-ire 押入) in the same wall, which detracts from the shoin-toknoma-tokowaki composition.

The toko-waki also shares with the tokonoma a likely origin in the residences of Buddhist priests (sо̄bо̄ 僧房, lit. ‘priest chamber’), specifically in the shelves used to store sutras (kyо̄kan 経巻). It has also been suggested that the toko-waki began as a two-tier shelf used to hold everyday items, or as a piece of moveable furniture something like the ‘fan shelf’ (sensu-dana 扇子棚) that eventually evolved into a built-in permanent fixture. The toko-waki is decorated with various craft items, and is also a place to store the valuable works of art, vases, etc. that are displayed in the tokonoma.

A ‘fan shelf’ (sensu-dana 扇子棚).

Elements of the toko-waki labelled: the upper cabinet or cupboard (ten-bukuro 天袋) and ‘head’ (kamoi 鴨居), staggered shelves (chigai-dana 違棚) with ‘shrimp post’ (ebi-tsuka 海老束) and ‘brush return’ (fude-kaeshi), lower cabinet (ji-bukuro 地袋) with sill (oki-jikii 置敷居) and half-post or end-post (hо̄date 方立 or han-tsuka 半束), and ‘ground board’ (ji-ita 地板),

The design of the toko-waki is extremely free, and there are over a hundred different ‘templates’ (hinagata 雛形). A single shelf (tana 棚) running the full width of the tokowaki is called a tо̄shi-dana (通し棚, lit. ‘passing shelf’) or hitomoji-dana (一文字棚, lit. ‘one character shelf’, from its resemblance to the character hito 一). The shelf style most commonly associated with the toko-waki is known as chigai-dana (違い棚, ‘staggered shelf’): two shelves arranged one above the other and offset in a ‘mist pattern’ (kasumi-gata 霞型).

Mist pattern (kasumigata 霞型).

In this style, a turned-up strip of moulding called a (fude-kaeshi 筆返し, lit. ‘brush return’) is attached to the end of the upper shelf, which is supported off the lower shelf by a vertical piece called the ebi-tsuka (海老束, lit. ‘shrimp post’). Other styles include han-dana (半棚, ‘half shelf’), tsuka-tana (束棚, ‘post shelf’), tsuri-dana (釣り棚, ‘fishing shelf’), and sumi-tana (隅棚, ‘corner shelf’). Similarly, the cabinets may run the full width of the toko-waki, or be half-width. The rear wall of the toko-waki might contain a window in any number of styles.

Elements of the chigai-dana (違棚): ‘brush return’ (fude-kaeshi 筆返し) with ‘stop’ (tomari とまり) and ‘pigeon breast’ (hato-mune 鳩胸), ‘shrimp post’ (ebi-tsuka 海老束).

In minka, the toko-waki might be absent, with the tatami floor extended to the wall; alternatively, there may be a Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇), or, in more recent minka, a closet (oshi-ire 押入) occuppying the alcove in place of the toko-waki. Sometimes the walls surrounding the tokotoma and toko-waki are not earth walls (dokabe 土壁) or plaster-finished, but are lined with paper of the same kind as is used on the thin opaque sliding partitions called fusuma (襖). This style is called hari-tsuke (貼付け, lit. ‘pasting’ ‘sticking’ or ‘attaching’), and is mainly found in higher-class residences.

A ‘Kansai style’ (Kansai-fū 関西風) zashiki with something of a sukiya-style (sukiya-fū 数寄屋風) flavour. The toko-waki is absent, or at least devoid of any of the elements of a typical toko-waki, and the tatami extends to the rear wall. Okuda family (Okuda-ke 奥田家) residence, О̄saka, an Important Cultural Property.

A fairly ‘classic’ zashiki layout with tokonoma, shoin, and tokowaki. Masuda family (Masuda-ke 増田家) home, Wakayama Prefecture, an Important Cultural Property.

This toko-waki has upper cabinet (ten-bukuro) and a half-width lower cabinet (ji-bukuro) with fude-kaeshi. Sakurai family (Sakurai-ke 桜井家) residence, Ishikawa Prefecture

A contemporary zashiki with a minimal toko-waki (left), marked only by its floor board and low ‘ceiling’.

The tokonoma and toko-waki (out of frame to the right) in this zashiki are paper-hung (hari-tsuke 貼付け), as evidenced by the visible rippling in the paper in the tokonoma.

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After examining the tokonoma in the last few posts, this week and next we will look at the two elements that flank the tokonoma in the ‘standard’ zashiki: the shoin and the toko-waki. This week’s post will consider the former.

The shoin first appeared in the residences or residential quarters of Buddhist priests (sо̄bо̄ 僧房) as an ‘office’ or ‘study’ for copying sutras and reading. It was never a room in itself, however, but a windowed alcove projecting out into the ‘verandah’ (engawa 縁側), with an inbuilt desk. This was called a dashifu dzukue (出府机 or 出文机, lit. ‘project office desk’ or ‘project writing desk’), idashifumi dana (出文棚, lit. ‘project writing shelf’), etc., and is thought to have first appeared in the Kamakura Period (Kamakura jidai 鎌倉時代, 1185 - 1333). It became fashionable to decorate the shoin with inkstones (suzuri 硯), brushes and ink (筆墨 hitsuboku) ‘letter boxes’ (fubako 文箱) and other stationary items; eventually the shoin itself was integrated into the design of the tokonoma and developed into an important decorative element in the zashiki in its own right.

The shoin is almost always built into the wall flanking the tokonoma, and so is perpendicular to the tokonoma. A width (or length) of one ken (1.81 metres) is typical, and served the original purpose of the shoin as a desk. Older style shoin usually start at the tokonoma sill, with the flanking wall of the tokonoma left blind, which may mean that the tokonoma doesn’t receive enough light. This problem can be addressed by bringing the shoin into the tokonoma, so that the shoin window becomes part of the tokonoma flanking wall. The half-ken part of the shoin in the tokonoma is called the kakekomi (駈けこみ ‘advancing in’).

Where there is a mawari-en (回り縁) or ‘wraparound verandah’, there are rare occasions where the shoin is built alongside the tokonoma, so shoin and tokonoma face the same direction.

The ‘classic’ shoin projects out into the engawa and is called de-shoin (出書院, ‘projecting shoin’) or tsuke-shoin (付書院 ‘attached shoin’). The simplified or abbreviated non-projecting style of shoin is known as hira-shoin (平書院 ‘flat shoin’). The hira-shoin may even dispense with the ‘desk’ (kо̄-ita 甲板) element altogether, leaving only the window.

The shoin window normally presents with a lattice-and-paper transom or a carved ita-ranma (板欄間) transom fitted in its upper section. In the ‘standard’ shoin, the lower, main opening is four shо̄ji, but variants such as the round window (maru-mado 丸窓), ‘horn frame window’ (tsunogara-mado 角柄窓), ‘flame window’ (katо̄-mado 火灯窓 or 花頭窓), and ‘wattle window’ (shitaji-mado 下地窓) are also employed. Alternate names for the shoin include akari-shoin (明り書院, ‘lantern shoin’), shoin-doko (書院床), etc. In Yamagata Prefecture there are areas where akari-doko is abbreviated to aka-doko.

The tokonoma (left) and shoin (書院, right) of an older-style zashiki, in which tokonoma, as here, are generally shallow. The projection of the de-shoin (出書院) is roughly the same depth as that of the tokonoma. The shо̄ji of this shoin have ‘wainscot panels’ (koshi-ita 腰板) and are in the fuki-yose (吹寄せ) style, meaning they feature grouped (in this case doubled and tripled) ‘muntins’ (san 桟). Naka family (Naka-ke 中家), Nara Prefecture, designated an Important Cultural Property.

A contemporary zashiki with a traditional design. The de-shoin or tsuke-shoin is in the kakekomi (駈け込み) style: beginning at the rear wall of, and half within, the tokonoma.

Here the shoin is a half-length hira-shoin with only its kake-komi part; it has essentially been reduced to a window in the tokonoma.

A contemporary zashiki. There is a hira-shoin in kake-komi style, but the toko-waki (the alcove flanking the tokonoma) also has aspects of a de-shoin, featuring a low desk-like shelf and shouji window instead of the usual shelves and cabinets.

A round window (maru-mado 丸窓) kake-komi hira-shoin.

A contemporary zashiki with full-length (one ken or 1.81m) tsuke-shoin featuring fine latticework shouji and transom panel (ranma 欄間).

A tsuke-shoin in kake-komi style with a ‘flame window’ (katо̄-mado 火灯窓). Yanohara family (Yanohara-ke 矢篦原家) house, formerly Gifu Prefecture, now in Sankei Gardens (Sankei-en 三渓園), Yokohama City.

The de-shoin or tsuke-shoin as it appears from the engawa.

In something of a restoration of the original function of the shoin as an ‘office’, in this zashiki a low table, perhaps used for writing letters or practising calligraphy, has been placed up against the hira-shoin.

Here the shoin (left) occupies the place normally held by the toko-waki; conversely, one could say that the toko-waki has a shoin-like design.

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To continue on from last week’s post on the ornamental alcove (tokonoma 床の間 or toko 床) of the formal room (zashiki 座敷) of the minka, today we will consider some aspects of tokonoma design.

In the standard zashiki layout, the ‘verandah’ (engawa 縁側) and ‘study’ (shoin 書院) are to the right of the tokonoma, and to its left is the toko-waki (床脇, lit. ‘toko flank’) alcove, which often contains a shelf or shelves, particularly the characteristic ‘staggered shelves’ called chigai-dana (違い棚), and upper cabinets (tenbukuro 天袋). This ‘correct’ tokonoma layout is called hon-doko (本床, ‘true toko’); the opposite arrangement, with engawa and shoin on the left and toko-waki on the right, is called gyaku-toko (逆床, ‘reverse toko’), but is probably just as common.

A zashiki in hon-doko configuration, with toko-waki to the left of the tokonoma, and shoin to the right.

The interior ‘facade’ elevation of a zashiki, in gyaku-toko configuration, with the toknoma (床の間) on the left, the shoin (書院) to the left of the tokonoma, and the toko-waki (床脇) to the right..

The element of the tokonoma that most draws the eye is the toko post (toko-bashira 床柱), which conventionally stands in the centre of the ‘front’ elevation of the room.

Another gyaku-toko configuration. The toko post (toko-bashira 床柱) which occupies a prominent position at or near the centre of the field of view. Other main elements of the tokonoma are labelled: The toko sill (toko-gamachi 床框); the ‘sill stump’ (kamachi-zuka 框束); the toko board (toko-ita 床板); the ‘skirting board’ (zoukin-zuri 雑巾摺); the floor board in front of the toko (ji-ita); and the toko head timber (otoshi-kake 落掛).

In strictly formal zashiki, the toko-bashira is a large-section square post, but in minka it might be a sugi (杉, Cryptomeria japonica) post, perhaps in a style called men-kawa-bashira (面皮柱, ‘face skin post’), where a log is partially squared off into four faces, leaving the natural rounded corners; a ‘scaffold pole’ (shiba maruta しば丸太, lit. ‘firewood log’); or some other informal, eccentric (henboku 変木, lit. ‘strange timber’) or ‘name’ (meiboku 名木, lit. ‘name timber’) variety of post.

Squared log posts (centre) known as men-kawa bashira (面皮柱).

Very finely finished toko-bashira on display.

A selection of henboku (変木) toko-bashira, ranging from plain to what might almost be termed baroque.

A selection of high-end toko-bashira from a supplier’s catalogue. The sugi post in the lower right corner costs 1,800,000 yen for a 150mm diameter, 2,950mm long post: about $12,000 USD at the 2025 exchange rate.

In the wall behind the toko-bashira, between the tokonoma and the tokowaki, there will often be a low opening called the chin-kuguri (狆潜り, lit. ‘Pekingese underpass’) whose purpose is to throw more light into the tokowaki.

In a conventional tokonoma design, the chin-kuguri (ちんくぐり) opening between the tokonoma and toko-waki is around 40 - 60cm high.

A somewhat garish chin-gukuri made with a section of hollow log.

The front bulkhead wall (tare-kabe 垂れ壁, lit. ‘hang down wall’) above the tokonoma opening is terminated with a kamoi (鴨居) or ‘head timber’ called the otoshi-gake (落とし掛); the otoshi-gake is set at a higher position than the kamoi in the rest of the room, which imparts to it a dignified aspect, and also gives a clearer view of a hanging scroll in the alcove. The otoshi-gake may be only slightly higher than the nageshi, or it may be significantly higher, as in the example below.

In this example, the tokonoma head timber, known as the otoshi-gake (落とし掛) is set significantly higher than the regular head ‘lintel’ (kamoi 鴨居) and picture rail (nageshi) that run around the rest of the zashiki at ‘head datum’ (uchi-nori 内法) height. The effect of the chin-kuguri in bringing more light into the toko-waki is evident here.

When the zashiki is run around with a ‘picture rail’ (nageshi 長押), the point where the nageshi meets and terminates at the tokobashira the can be resolved via various devices, such as the old-fashioned makura-sabaki (枕捌き, lit. ‘pillow handling’) or the hina-dome (雛止め, lit. ‘chick stop’); today the junction is typically handled with what is known as kiri-me dou-tsuki (切目胴突 or 切目胴付き), where the nageshi is extended across 7/10ths the width of the face of the tokobashira.

Illustration of three methods for resolving the termination of the nageshi at the toko-bashira. Left, the makura-sabaki (枕さばき, lit. ‘pillow handling’); centre, the kata-sabaki (片さばき, lit. ‘part handling’); right, the hina-dome (ひな留め, lit. ‘chick stop’).

Three methods of resolving the nageshi, shown in plan view.

Image showing a hina-dome nageshi being prepared; the exposed end is given a ‘cap’ so the face grain returns around the end of the timber

The nageshi with end ‘cap’ installed.

The nageshi in place against the tokobashira. In the kiri-me dou-tsuki (切目胴突 or 切目胴付き) style, the nageshi is extended across 7/10ths the width of the face of the tokobashira.

In the makura-sabaki style, the nageshi wraps around the toko-bashira to terminate on its rear face.

The floor sill (kamachi 框) of the toko, called the toko-kamachi or toko-gamachi (床框), is often around 12 - 18cm high, thus the floor of the toko is also this much higher than the tatami floor of the zashiki itself. In the country and in older minka it is generally even higher, with a toko floor consisting of a thick board, known as ita-doko (板床, lit. ‘board floor’) and a kekomi-ita (蹴込み板, lit. ‘kick-in board’) between it and the tatami.

Toko sills (kamachi 框) are conventionally finished in black lacquer (kuro-urushi-nuri　黒漆塗り), called also roiro-gamachi (ろいろ框), but hardwood sills with a ‘rubbed lacquer’ (suri-nushi 摺り漆) finish are also found; a more informal style might employ a log with the thick stumps of the lopped branches (太枝落し futoeda otoshi) still on it.

As mentioned, the classic floor of the standard toko is normally laid with tatami; this style is known as hon-doko (本床), not to be confused with the hon-doko discussed above, which refers to the ‘handedness’ of the zashiki. Usuberi tatami (薄縁畳, lit. ‘thin edge tatami’), tatami with a thin edging of patterned fabric), and ita-datami (板畳, lit. ‘board tatami’, not actually tatami at all, but a section of boarded floor in an otherwise tatami-laid room) are also found. In the countryside, thick planks of Japanese zelkova (keyaki 欅, Zelkova serrata), Japanese horse chestnut (tochinoki, Aesculus turbinata) or sawtooth oak (kunugi, Quercus acutissima), both written 橡, or pine (matsu 松) with an interesting grain or figure (moku 杢) were favoured.

A tokonoma featuring an usuberi tatami floor, a squared log toko-gamachi with stained upper surface and natural rounded face, and a wide, finely grained jiban.

An ita-datami (‘board tatami’) floored tokonoma. The sill edge of the board terminates at the wall against a ‘sill stump’ (kamachi-dzuka 框束).

The ceiling over the tokonoma is higher than that of the main ceiling of the room, so as to be able to accommodate long scrolls, and so it is not visible when sitting before the toko with its high otoshi-kake. It often consists of a single board of figured timber (mokuita 杢板), known as a kagami-tenjou (鏡天井, ‘mirror ceiling’).

The rear face of the ‘bulkhead’ wall (tare-kabe 垂れ壁) above the otoshi-kake is left unfinished (ara-kabe 荒壁, ‘rough wall’).

An example of walls in their ara-kabe 荒壁 state, with base ‘daub’ plaster applied but before the application of the finish plaster (shikkui 漆喰). The rear, generally unseen side of the bulkhead (tare-kabe) of the tokonoma is left in this state, without finish plaster.

It is said that this inclusion in tokonoma design of an element that is ‘lacking’ is not the result of laziness or frugality, but a deliberate symbolic recognition of the sentiment expressed in the saying mitsureba kaku (満れば欠く), or in full tsuki mitsureba sunawachi kaku (月満つれば則ち虧く), ‘The full moon must (surely) wane’: perfection is futile, decay is inevitable, and all things are impermanent.

Interior of a zashiki furnished with tokonoma, tokowaki with chigai-dana and tenbukuro, and shoin. Masuda family (Masuda-ke 増田家) house, Wakayama Prefecture, designated an Important Cultural Property.

A ‘Kansai style’ (Kansai-fū 関西風) zashiki with a hint of the sukiya style (sukiya-fū 数寄屋). Sukiya construction (数寄屋造り sukiya-zukuri) is a refined architectural style of mannered rusticity and deliberate austerity that arose out of tea house architecture, and emphasises the natural qualities of materials over opulence and ornament. There is no picture rail (nageshi); the toko post (toko-bashira) is a squared log (men-kawa bashira); the toko-waki is tatami-floored and without shelves or cabinets.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXXV - INTERIORS 26: FORMAL AREAS 2

As covered in the previous series on minka structure, the structural logic of Japanese buildings results in two spatial zones: an inner jо̄ya (上屋, lit. ‘upper building/roof’) part, which is the area bounded within the ring of taller, inner posts (hashira 柱) called jо̄ya-bashira (上屋柱); and the geya (下屋, lit. ‘lower building/roof’), the outer, perimeter space between the jо̄ya-bashira and the ring of lower, outer posts (geya-bashira 下屋柱) that constitute the external perimeter of the building, whether in the plane of the external walls or as freestanding ‘verandah’ posts. The geya might be thought of as an infilled under-eave area, floored and walled to bring the space within the interior. The jо̄ya - geya spatial organisation is the result of the structural organisation of the building; in terms of residential architecture, it originated with the shinden (寝殿), the residential architecture of Heian period (Heian jidai 平安時代 794 - 1185) nobility.

Diagrammatic section and plan of a shinden, showing the two rings of posts that delineate the inner moya (母屋, lit. ‘mother building/roof’) space, corresponding to the jо̄ya of the minka, and the outer hisashi (庇, ‘eave’) space, corresponding to the geya.

Like the shinden, old minka often had geya on all four sides, with rows of jо̄ya posts at the boundary between the jо̄ya and the geya, as seen in the famous Furui house below.

Plan of the former Furui family (Furui-ke 古井家) residence, Hyо̄go Prefecture, a three-room layout minka, showing the jо̄ya (上屋) space (white), and the geya (下屋) space (the blue perimeter band). In this relatively primitive minka, the geya space has largely not been rationally incorporated into the plan to form closets, etc.; rather, the jо̄ya posts are for the most part freestanding in the interior spaces.

Transverse section of the Furui house, with geya shown in blue.

Longitudinal section of the Furui house, with the geya shown in blue.

In the spacious shinden, the wide geya formed a natural circulatory passageway around the inner moya; utilitarian functions like storage were taken up by other buildings in the shinden complex, so the shinden plan itself could remain architecturally ‘pure’. The narrower geya of the minka might also partially function as a circulation space, i.e. as the ‘verandah’ (engawa 縁側), but it was often used to house utilitarian elements that could practically fit within its depth; or perhaps it was rather the case that these elements evolved to fit within the geya. They included shelved cupboards (todana 戸棚), closets (oshi-ire 押入), the Buddhist alcove (butsuma 仏間), and the ornamental alcove (tokonoma 床の間 or toko 床) that is the subject of this post.

In this Muromachi period minka, the development of a tokonoma is hinted at in the utilisation of the geya space in the omote to house the Buddhist altar (butsudan), Shintо̄ shrine, and other ornamental items. Furui family (Furui-ke 古井家) house, Hyо̄go Prefecture, designated an Important Cultural Property.

The plan below is a good example of how the geya space was utilised in minka. The toko (とこ) is placed in the gable-end (tsuma 妻) geya, along with a Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇) and other objects related to worship and ceremony.

The geya space in this minka is more typical than that of in the Furui house in that here, as in most minka, it is partial or ‘broken’, not running the full circumference of the building. It contains ornamental alcove (toko とこ), Buddhist alcove (butsuma 卍), bath (nyūyoku 入浴), storage (shūnо̄ 収納), urinal (shо̄ben 小便), and verandah (engawa, unlabelled).

Examples like the minka above are used to argue in favour of the theory that the tokonoma has religious origins. This theory, which has become a commonly believed ‘myth’ through its presentation in works such as the Edo period Ka-oku Zakkou (家屋雑考 ‘Miscellaneous Thoughts on Houses’, 1845) by Sawada Natari (沢田 名垂, 1775 - 1845), is that the tokonoma began in the Kamakura period (Kamakura jidai 鎌倉時代, 1185 - 1333) in the shaku-ke or shakke (釈家), the residences of Buddhist priests or monks (sо̄ 僧), who would hang Buddhist art on the wall, place a thick board called an oshi-ita (押板) on the floor before it, and on the oshi-ita place the ‘three-piece set’ (mitsugusoku 三具足) of candlestick (shokudai 燭台), incense burner (kо̄ro 香炉), and vase (kabin 花瓶); this arrangement was later adopted into samurai residences (buke jūtaku 武家住宅).

Another account of the origins of the tokonoma holds that it developed as a place to appreciate the scroll art (jiku-sо̄ga 軸装画) imported from China in large volumes from the Kamakura Period onward.

A third theory is that the jо̄dan-koma (上段小間), the small raised rooms ‘within’ the zashiki, gradually simplified and shrank over time to become tokonoma, called among other names the jо̄dan-doko (上段床), that retained both the tatami-laid floor elevated a step above the zashiki and the black lacquered (kuro urushi-nuri 黒漆塗り) floor sill (kamachi 框) of its progenitor and namesake.

This third account is thought by Kawashima Chūji to be the most rational and persuasive; even today, the floor of a ‘standard’ toko is typically tatami-laid, and Kawashima writes of hearing that on certain occasions, such as tea ceremony, a distinguished guest might sit in the toko without this being considered a breach of etiquette. It is thought that later, with the development of the arts and crafts (bijutsu kо̄gei 美術工芸) in general, and the ‘ways’ (dо̄ 道) and schools (ryū 流) of tea ceremony (sadо̄ 茶道), flower arrangement (kadо̄ 華道), and incense appreciation (kо̄dо̄ 香道) in particular, that the tokonoma transformed into a place exclusively for the appreciation of interior decorative objects (shitsunai sо̄shihin 室内装飾品). Then, over the course of time and with the addition of increasingly sophisticated woodworking techniques and proportion in design, the tokonoma spread almost universally to the common minka, in the process becoming an indispensable element of the zashiki, and the one most closely associated with it.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXXIV - INTERIORS 25: FORMAL AREAS 1

After looking at the features of the ‘living room’ (hiroma 広間) and the somewhat more formal ‘drawing room’ (dei 出居) of the minka, from this week we will consider the elements typically found in, and characteristic of, the formal room proper: the zashiki (座敷).

The regular or ‘classic’ zashiki draws its design elements from the stream of the shoin-zukuri (書院造り), the residential architectural style of the Muromachi era (Muromachi jidai 室町時代, 1336 -1573) samurai (bushi 武士) class, and was furnished with a decorative alcove (tokonoma 床の間, often abbreviated to toko 床), ornamental shelves (tana 棚), and shoin (書院, a decorative ‘study' or ‘desk' alcove adjacent to the toko) as a general rule. Then a picture rail (nageshi 長押) was run around the room above the ‘door’ heads (kamoi 鴨居), with ornamental hardware (kugi-kakushi 釘隠し, lit. ‘nail hider’) attached; and ornamental panels inserted into the transom (ranma 欄間) between rooms. These panels might be kumiko (組子, geometric patterns formed with tiny pieces of timber), fretwork, or ita-ranma (板欄間), thin boards of around 12 mm thick carved with images or patterns. The ceiling ( tenjо̄ 天井) is sao-buchi tenjо̄ (竿縁天井), a ceiling of thin timber boards on exposed battens (sao-buchi 竿縁).

A zashiki seen from the ‘second room’ (tsugi-no-ma 次の間), showing ornamental alcove (toko-no-ma 床の間), ‘study’ alcove (shoin 書院), squared-log post (men-kawa bashira 面皮柱), picture rail (nageshi 長押) with ornamental ‘nail hiders’ (kugi-kakushi 釘隠し), and fine carved transom panels (ranma 欄間) between the rooms and between the tsugi-no-ma and ‘verandah’ (engawa 縁側). Yoshimura house (Yoshimura-ke 吉村家), О̄saka Prefecture, designated an Important Cultural Property.

The ‘facade’ interior elevation of a large, high-ceilinged zashiki. A good archetypal example, with: decorative alcove (tokonoma 床の間), left, displaying hanging scroll; a ‘flanking alcove’ (toko-waki 床脇), centre right, with staggered shelves (chigai-dana 違い棚) and upper cabinets (tenbukuro 天袋); a ‘study’ or ‘desk’ (shoiin 書院), right; a fine lattice transom (ranma 欄間), top left, above the entry opening; a picture rail (nageshi 長押) running around the room at head datum (uchi-nori 内法) height; an ornamental metal ‘nail hider’ (kugi-kakushi 釘隠し) on the nageshi where it meets the tokonoma post (toko-bashira 床柱); and a board and batten (sao-buchi 竿縁) ceiling.

Another zashiki, with many of the same elements shown in the zashiki above. The half-glazed shо̄ji, left, indicate this to be a relatively modern example.

In the prototypical or archetypal minka layout, there is no true formal zashiki, but even in simply-partitioned minka without a formal room, the word zashiki was sometimes used as the name of the everyday living room, elsewhere called the hiroma or dei. In the most general sense, zashiki can refer to the raised floor (taka-yuka 高床) living part (kyojū bubun 居住部分) of the dwelling, as opposed to the earth-floored utility space (doma 土間).

With rising living standards and the emergence of an economic surplus, formal zashiki came to be constructed in the houses of commoners in imitation of the upper classes, but these ‘aspirational’ zashiki were unreflective of the lifestyles of the still-impoverished farmers who installed them; often the tatami mats, so characteristic of zashiki, were taken up and left unused, indicating that in everyday use the room was being employed for less-than-formal purposes, and the inhabitants wanted to protect the valuable tatami from damage. Even if the zashiki contained a tokonoma, it might not have been used to display any of the decorative art or craft works found in the tokonoma of wealthier homes. At best there might be a hanging scroll (jiku 軸) dedicated to the god Amaterasu О̄kami (天照皇太神); at worst the tokonoma might have even fallen to the status of a place to store the tatami mats.

There were many regions in which some or all of the above-described elements of the typical zashiki were prohibited by sumptuary law from being installed in the houses of peasants, farmers, or general commoners, effectively meaning that the zashiki itself was forbidden to these social classes. But the frequency with which these regulations were issued suggests that people were constantly building these features anyway, in defiance of the law. We can sympathise with these farmers, living under an enforced and artificial austerity, wanting to beautify their homes or ‘keep up with the Joneses’, even to the point of risking presumably harsh punishments.

In constrast, important figures such as village headmen and ‘chief executives’ (肝煎 kimo-iri) were obliged to receive or entertain officials (yakunin 役人) of the samurai class in the course of their duties, so zashiki were a necessity in their homes, and facilities such as toko and tana were permitted to them. It was not unusual for such zashiki to also contain a jо̄dan no ma (上段の間), a ‘room within a room’ whose floor level is a step above the floor level of the zashiki. In addition to the toko and tana, there would normally also be a shoin, picture rail (nageshi), ‘wraparound verandah’ (mawari-en 回り縁), and perhaps a separate ‘upper toilet (kami-benjo or uwa-benjo 上便所). The mawari-en served as the formal entrance and exit for officials, doctors and others.

The zashiki in the typical four-room layout farmhouse minka occupies the upper (kami-te 上手, i.e. furthest from the doma), facade-side (omote-gawa 表側) quadrant; in hiroma-gata layouts, both upper rooms may be zashiki, called kagi-zashiki (鍵座敷), perhaps with one built as an extension off the main structure, forming the rear leg of an L-planform. A toko built against the uppermost gable end (tsuma 妻) or short-side wall is called a tsuma-doko (妻床, ‘gable-end toko); if built at the rear of the zashiki, on the partition wall with the bedroom (nando 納戸), it is called a hira-doko (平床, lit. ‘flat toko’). In the case of kagi-zashiki, the upper and lower zashiki are open to one another and together take up the whole width of the building from facade to rear, so the toko is often a hira-doko, built on the rear wall of the rear zashiki. Shо̄ji (障子, translucent paper-covered timber lattice sliding panels) or fusuma (襖, light, opaque sliding panels) were used at the boundary between two zashiki, but between zashiki and everyday living spaces such as the oe (おえ) or hiroma (ひろま), obi-to (sliding partitions of solid timber panels with a mid rail) were used, indicating that women in labour and menses (akafujou 赤不浄, lit. ‘red unclean’), those in mourning (kurofujou 黒不浄 lit. ‘black unclean’), and people of low status were not enter the zashiki without good reason.

A regular four-room layout (seikei yon-madori 整形四間取り), showing the zashiki (ざしき) in the upper (furthest from the earth-floored utility area niwa にわ) front (facade-side) quadrant, with gable-end (tsuma 妻) decorative alcove (toko とこ), called a tsuma-doko (妻床), and adjacent Buddhist alcove (butsuma 仏間). Toko and butsuma are contained in a lean-to structure outside the perimeter of the main building.

Another example of a gable-end toko (tsuma-dokoi 妻床), this time in a ‘perpendicular stagger’ (yoko-chigai-gata 横違い型) four-room layout (yon-madori 四間取り). The blind gable end (tsuma 妻) is entirely taken up with toko (とこ) and butsuma (卍) in the zashiki, and closet (oshi-ire 押入) in the rear bedroom (oku おく).

This regular four-room layout shows the minka in its original form, with a Buddhist alcove (butsuma, 卍) and cupboard (todana 戸棚) between the zashiki (ざしき) and bedroom/storage room (nando なんど); later a gable-end toko (tsuma-doko 妻床) was added as a lean-to structure, shown as a dashed line outside the exterior wall line of the main building.

This ‘wrapped hiroma’ (tori-maki hiroma-gata 取巻き広間型) layout, originally a front-zashiki three-room layout (mae-zashikisan-madori 前座敷三間取り) to which a rear kagi-zashiki (here ‘upper zashiki’ kami-zashiki かみざしき) has been added. This example solves the problem of where to place the tokonoma by omitting it.

A minka with two zashiki: the front zashiki, here called toba-no-ma (とばのま), and the rear kagi-zashiki, here called the oku (おく). The oku contains a long-side toko (hira-doko 平床), and next to it a storage closet (mono-ire ものいれ). The Buddhist alcove (butsuma, marked with swastika manji 卍), is in the room named zashiki (ざしき), which confusingly is not the formal room; at best it is semi-formal, used for courting/socialising (kousai 交際) but also for rearing silkworms (chisan shi-iku 稚蚕飼育).

Another example of a kagi-zashiki layout, this one regular (seikei 整形), with front zashiki (mae-no-zashiki まえのざしき) and rear zashiki (oku-zashiki 奥座敷). Here, the name mae-no-zashiki actually covers two rooms: the formal zashiki proper in the front upper quadrant, and a less formal ‘living room’ (ima 居間) in the front lower quadrant, adjacent to the earth-floored utility area (daidoko だいどこ). A wraparound verandah (mawari-en 回り縁) connects these three rooms; in the oku-zashiki there is a shoin, here called an akadoko (アカドコ), next to the toko, projecting out into the mawari-en.

In the postwar period, even in normal farmhouses, the tatami mats in the zashiki were left in place, but the zashiki came to function less as a formal room and more as a living room and bedroom for the elderly members of the household or for children. The tokonoma was even used as a television alcove — a utilitarian echo of the pre-modern practice of using the toko as a place to store tatami mats.

The zashiki of a rustic minka in the Tо̄hoku region. The tokonoma (床の間, left) is bare; the toko-waki (床脇) space next to the tokonoma is occupied by the Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇); there is no ceiling, picture rail (nageshi 長押), or separate ‘attached door heads’ (tsuke-kamoi 付鴨居); instead, grooves to take the sliding partitions are cut directly into the lintel beams. Former residence of the Fujiwara family (Fujiwara-ke 藤原家), Iwate Prefecture, now relocated to the Open Air Museum of Old Japanese Farmhouses (Minka Shuuraku Hakubutsukan 民家集落博物館), О̄saka Prefecture.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXXIII - INTERIORS 24: LIVING AREAS 4

The oshi-ita (押板, lit. ‘pushing board’) is an ornamental element of minka, somewhat similar in appearance and function to the more well-known tokonoma (床の間), the formal ‘ornamental alcove’, but distinct from it in several ways, most immediately by its shallowness. The oshi-ita can be found in the Chūbu and Kantо̄ regions, and is commonly seen in particular in the minka of the Tama hills (Tama kyūryо̄ 多摩丘陸) region of Kanagawa Prefecture.

As the etymology suggests, the oshi-ita was originally a simple, unfixed board that sat on the floor near or against the wall, and on which an inkstone (suzuri 硯) or tray (tanzara 短皿) were placed; later by extension it came to refer to the floor board of a tokonoma or ‘study’ (shoin 書院).

There are those of the opinion that the oshi-ita is the precursor of the tokonoma, but Chūji Kawashima is inclined to think that it is of independent origin.  In minka, the oshi-ita alcove, only the depth of a post, originally had a religious function and significance: ‘prayer talismans’ (kitо̄-satsu 祈祷札 or o-fuda お札) and ritual vessels (saiki 祭器) were placed in it.  Whereas the tokonoma is installed in the formal zashiki, the oshi-ita is is not normally found there, but is located in the ‘living room’ (the hiroma ひろま or dei でい).  Within these rooms, it is commonly placed behind the yoko-za (横座), the seating position at the firepit (irori 囲炉裏) furthest from and facing the earth-floored utility area (doma 土間), and adjoining the decorative bedroom entrance (chо̄dai-gamae 帳台構え).

This oshi-ita (押板), on the left, is in its most conventional position: adjoining the formal bedroom entrance (chо̄dai-gamae 帳台構え) on the right, and behind the master’s seat (yoko-za 横座) at the firepit (irori 囲炉裏). Former residence of the Kitamura family (Kitamura-ke 北村家), Kanagawa Prefecture, now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum (Nihon Minka-en 日本民家園), Kawasaki Prefecture.

In terms of height, the oshi-ita stops at head datum (uchi-nori 内法) height, i.e. the height of the lintels (kamoi 鴨居) of the openings; this is in contrast to the tokonoma, which is slightly taller than the uchi-nori. 

In its position at the boundary of the hiroma or dei and the bedroom (nesho 寝所), the oshi-ita normally runs in the direction of the roof beams (hari-yuki hо̄kо̄ 梁行き方向, i.e. transverse to the long axis of the building), as in the Kitamura house above; in the Kiyomiya house below, the bedroom is on the north side of the dwelling, so the partition wall and thus the oshi-ita run in the direction of the wall beams (keta-yuki houkou 桁行き方向, i.e. parallel to the long axis of the building); the latter example is considered to be an old or antiquated style of oshi-ita. 

An archetypal and rarely-seen style of south-facing oshi-ita, located ‘up’ from the yoko-za seating position at the firepit (irori). Conventionally, the yoko-za faces the doma, which contains the entrance to the dwelling, to the east; here the doma is largely partitioned off and seemingly obscured from the living area, so a south-facing yoko-za that overlooks the unpartitioned part of the doma-living boundary, where people step up from the doma into the living area, is the most logical ‘surveillance position’.

Adjacent to the oshi-ita, and to the left of the lantern in the image, is the bedroom entrance with timber panelled sliding door(s). The oshi-ita is decorated with a flower vase and Buddhist picture scroll. Former Kiyomiya family (Kiyomiya-ke 清宮家) residence, Kanagawa Prefecture; now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum (Nihon Minka-en 日本民家園), Kawasaki Prefecture.

Plan of the Kiyomiya house, showing the south-facing oshi-ita (押板) and bedroom entrance to the rear (north) of the irori (炉) in the ‘living room’ (hiroma ひろま), and the earth-floored utility area (dēdoko でえどこ) to the east. Also shown are the lattice partitions (kо̄shi-mado 格子窓) and the ‘step up sill’ (agari-gamachi 上り框) between the hiroma and the dēdoko

Another view of the oshi-ita in the hiroma of the Kiyomiya house, between the entrance to the ‘drawing room’ (dē でえ) to the left and the entrance to the bedroom (ura-beya うらべや) to the right.

The examples below are both from Toyama Prefecture, where the oshi-ita is called the yoroi-tana (鎧棚, lit. ‘armour shelf’) because in the past it was adorned with armour (yoroi 鎧); the small suspended cabinets (tenbukuro todana 天袋戸棚, lit. ‘heaven bag door shelf’) are status signifiers, indicating the dwelling as the residence of a country samurai (gо̄shi 郷士).

The Kitamura family (Kitamura-ke 北村家) residence, Toyama Prefecture (not to be confused with the Kitamura house from Kanagawa Prefecture above). A high-status oshi-ita (押板), with a shelved upper cabinet (ten-bukuro to-dana 天袋戸棚) and full-width shelf (hito-moji dana 一文字棚). Designated an Important Cultural Property.

This example also has a ten-bukuro upper cabinet, but no intermediate shelf. Murakami family (Murakami-ke 村上家) residence, Toyama Prefecture, designated an Important Cultural Property.

The oshi-ita in the image below has a depth somewhat greater than the depth of the posts; in the mountainous areas of the Kantо̄ region there are districts where this type of oshi-ita is known as a kusundoko (九寸床, lit. ‘nine sun toko’).  Sun is the Japanese ‘inch’, standardised as 30.303 mm, so 9 sun is around 270mm.

On the right is a relatively deep oshi-ita, known as a kusun-doko. Former residence of the Emuki family (Emuki-ke 江向家), Toyama Prefecture; now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum (Nihon Minka-en 日本民家園), Kawasaki Prefecture.

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In contrast to the wall-mounted kami-dana discussed last week, the Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇) is set on the floor. The early custom was to place it beneath the kami-dani in the hiroma, but with the addition of the zashiki it was moved into that room. In old minka without a decorative alcove (tokonoma 床の間), a magnificent butsudan was built in the zashiki, making it an ornamental element in place of the tokonoma. The image below, of the butsudan in the Yamamoto family residence, an important cultural property in Osaka prefecture, shows one such example. Typically, the butsudan was installed into an alcove around 90cm (half a ken) square.

In old rear zashiki (oku-zashiki 奥座敷) without tokonoma, ornamentive attention is given to the front of the butsuma, so it serves as the decorative element in the zashiki. Yamamoto family (Yamamoto-ke 山本家) residence, О̄saka Prefecture.

The butsudan of the Pure Land (Jо̄do Shinshū 浄土真宗) sect of Buddhism were especially large; in areas where that sect was followed, the butsudan alcove (butsuma 仏間) was a two-ken (around 3.6m) wide closet-like space, and often constructed to project out from the rear exterior wall of the zashiki. Building the butsuma as a lean-to (geya 下屋) projecting out from the main footprint of the house ensured that there was no upper floor above it, and so it could not be walked over or stepped on from above.

At the rear of the rear zashiki (oku-zashiki 奥座敷), the Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇) sits in a Buddhist alcove (butsuma 仏間) of around one tatami mat in area. The butsuma is built as a lean-to structure that projects out from the gable-end wall, to ensure that there is no upper floor above it, so the taboo against treading on the floor above the butsudan cannot be broken. This style of butsuma is common in the Hokuriku region. Former residence of the Emuki family (Emuki-ke 江向家), Toyama Prefecture; now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum (Nihon Minka-en 日本民家園), Kawasaki Prefecture.

Pure Land Buddhism thrived in the Hokuriku region; in this and other such areas, a small room of about three tatami mats (around 5m²) called the bо̄sama zashiki (坊様座敷, ‘priest zashiki’ or kyūsoku no ma (休息の間, ‘space of rest’) might be provided for the butsudan.

From the practice of praying the ‘Pure Land in All Directions’ (四方浄土 shihо̄ jо̄do) prayer before the butsudan, it was ideally oriented to face east, so that people sitting before it faced west, but there are also examples of butsudan that face south. In large houses in the Kinai region, the dark part at the centre of the house, the rear of the dei, is often made into a specialised butsuma.

The image below shows the interior of the solemn butsuma in the Kuromaru 黒丸 family house, an important cultural property, on the Noto peninsula in the Hokuriku region. In such houses, there may be a ‘house Buddha’ that is worshipped; these rooms could also be used as dо̄jо̄ (道場) for adherents to assemble in, in place of a village temple.

The butsudan of the Hokuriku region, where the Shinshū sect of Buddhism is popular, are large, and possess a solemn dignity. These spaces also served as meeting places for adherents. Kuromaru family (Kuromaru-ke 黒丸家) residence, Ishikawa Prefecture.

A butsudan and kami-dana installed in the living room (joi 常居) of an L-plan (magari-ya 曲り屋) minka. Nakayashiki family (Nakayashiki-ke 中屋敷家) residence, Iwate Prefecture.

An archetypal and rarely-seen style of south-facing oshi-ita, located ‘up’ from the yoko-za seating position at the firepit (irori). Conventionally, the yoko-za faces the doma, which contains the entrance to the dwelling, to the east; here the doma is largely walled off and obscured from the living area, so a south-facing yoko-za that overlooks the unpartitioned part of the doma-living boundary, where people step up from the doma into the living area, is the most logical ‘surveillance position’.

Adjacent to the oshi-ita, and to the left of the lantern in the image, is the bedroom entrance with timber panelled sliding door(s). The oshi-ita is decorated with a flower vase and Buddhist picture scroll. Former Kiyomiya family (Kiyomiya-ke 清宮家) residence, Kanagawa Prefecture; now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum (Nihon Minka-en 日本民家園), Kawasaki Prefecture.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXXI - INTERIORS 22: LIVING AREAS 2

The kami-dana (神棚, lit. ‘god/deity shelf’) is just as described: a shelf (tana 棚) whose function is to hold a miniature shrine that enshrines various Shintо̄ gods (kami 神). It is usually installed above the lintel datum (uchi-nori 内法) in the hiroma or dei. The simplest kami-dana consists of nothing more than a board shelf; at a slightly higher level of refinement, a 50 - 60cm deep plastered alcove might be hollowed out in the wall, with folding doors attached to the front. In cases where the roof space above the room was provided with an upper floor (tsushi つし or ama あま), measures were taken to ensure that people did not tread on the area of floor directly above the kami-dana: a paper on which ‘上’ (ue or kami, ‘above’) was written was stuck on this area of floor, or it might also be raised slightly above the level of the surrounding floor. It was also considered preferable to avoid passing under the kami-dana wherever possible.

A magnificent kami-dana in a minka in the Noto region, where there are many such examples. The wall above the picture rail (nageshi 長押) is fully occupied by the seats of various deities. This room is divided from the zashiki and its Buddhist alcove (butsuma 仏間) beyond by austere obito (帯戸, timber panel and mid-rail sliding partitions), indicating that those of low status are not to enter the zashiki. Former Kuromaru (黒丸) family residence, Ishikawa Prefecture.

The walled area above the uchi-nori is considered the seat of the local Shintо̄ guardian deities and other especially favoured gods, a practice seen at, and perhaps originating at, Ise Shrine (Kо̄tai Jingū 皇大神宮) in Mie Prefecture. Ideally the kami-dana faces either east (an outcome of its being installed behind the yoko-za seating position at the irori, which in the typical south-facing house also faces east); or, when found in the dei, south.

Interior of the ‘living room’ (hiroma 広間, here called the omē おめえ), of a minka from Yamagata Prefecture. Below, the Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇) is set back behind timber-panelled doors; above, the kami-dana sits on top of the picture rail (nageshi 長押), with one corner suspended from a beam. Former Shibutani family (Shibutani-ke 渋谷家) residence, now relocated to the Chidо̄ Museum (Chidо̄ Hakubutsukan 致道博物館) in Tsuruoka City, Yamagata Prefecture.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXX - INTERIORS 21: LIVING AREAS 1

As the two characters of the Japanese word kiga (起臥) express, ‘daily life’ (the meaning of the word) consists at its most basic of cycles of ‘standing up/being awake’ (ki 起) and ‘lying down/being asleep’ (ga 臥). In the previous series of posts on sleeping spaces (nema 寝間), we looked at the ways that Japanese domestic architecture serves the ga part of this daily cycle; the next series of posts will examine the spaces that cater to the ki.

Typically, the centre of ‘living’ (kikyo 起居 lit. ‘standing being’) in the minka is the gathering room commonly called the hiroma (広間). The hiroma contains a large firepit (irori 囲炉裏), which is the focus of family dining (shokuji 食事), post-prandial ‘sitting in a circle’ (madoi まどい or danran 団らん), evening handwork (te-shigoto 手仕事), and socialising with neighbours (kinrin no kо̄sai 近隣の交際). So the hiroma has a close relationship with fire and farmwork, and is usually open to the doma-niwa (土間庭, lit. ‘earth space yard’), the indoor earth-floored utility area of the minka, with no partition between them. ‘Indoor yard’ is a more figurative translation that perhaps better captures the essence and function of the doma-niwa, which is usually just called either doma or the niwa.

This open informality of the hiroma, with the character of the family ‘tea room’ (chanoma 茶の間), means that at times there may be reasons to be reluctant to bring a stranger an outsider into it. Because of this, a part of the hiroma on the façade side of the dwelling may be partitioned off to become the room known commonly as the dei (でい), which is somewhat more formal than the hiroma; the European equivalent might be the ‘drawing room', meaning ‘room to withdraw to’. The derivation of the dei from the living space (ima 居間, lit. ‘be awake/up space’) is indicated by the fact that dei can also be written 出居, lit. ‘out of + i(ma). The dei is an ‘entertainment space’ or ‘reception space’ in which the master of the house receive guests, but its level of formality is lower than that of the zashiki, which is also used to formally entertain (settai 接待). Many four-room layout (yon-madori 四間取り) minka have a dei, but in hiroma-type three-room layout (hiroma-gata san-madori 広間型三間取り) houses, the hiroma and dei, and their functions, are combined.

Floor plan of the former Kiyomiya family (Kiyomiya-ke 清宮家) residence, Kanagawa Prefecture, now relocated to the Japan Open-Air Folk House Museum, Kawasaki City, Kanagawa Prefecture. An illustrative example of a regular four-room layout (seikei yon-madori 整形四間取り), with earth-floored utility area (dē-doko でえどこ), ‘living room’ (hiroma ひろま), rear bedroom (ura-beya うらべや), ‘drawing room’ (dei でい, here dē でえ), and bedroom (heya へや) labelled.

The dē of the Kiyomiya house, much emptier in its museum state than it would have been in use. This particular dē does not have an irori.

The dei will often contain an irori, and, in the wall to the rear of the irori, a Shintо̄ kami-dana (神棚, ‘god shelf’), Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇), and sometimes a shallow decorative alcove known as an oshi-ita (押板). These elements, which we will look at in more detail in subsequent posts, all relate to religious ritual and ceremony: the Shintо̄ and Buddhist deities (shinbutsu 神仏) that protect the house were always present with the family. As the ‘priest’ (shisai 司祭) to these deities, the master of the house has these facilities at his back in his position in the uppermost (saijо̄ 最上) seat (za 座) at the irori, called the yoko-za (横座). From the meaning of ‘in front of the deities’, there are regions in which the hiroma or dei are called the о̄mae (大前, ‘big front’), omē (おめえ), ome (おめ), gozen (御前, ‘honourable front’), okami (おかみ, ‘honorable upper’), and so on.

The zashiki of a rustic minka in the Tо̄hoku region. The tokonoma (床の間, left) is bare; the toko-waki (床脇) space next to the tokonoma is occupied by the Buddhist altar (butsudan 仏壇); there is no ceiling, picture rail (nageshi 長押), or separate ‘attached door heads’ (tsuke-kamoi 付鴨居); instead, grooves to take the sliding partitions are cut directly into the lintel beams. Former residence of the Fujiwara family (Fujiwara-ke 藤原家), Iwate Prefecture, now relocated to the Open Air Museum of Old Japanese Farmhouses (Minka Shuuraku Hakubutsukan 民家集落博物館), О̄saka Prefecture.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXIX - INTERIORS 20: SLEEPING AREAS 7

In previous posts in this series on sleeping arrangements in minka, we have looked mainly at the dedicated bedrooms found in old minka across Japan: small, close, dark spaces, often with no window, and only a small entry to the rest of the house penetrating its otherwise solid walls.

Fast-forward multiple centuries to the Shо̄wa period (Shо̄wa jidai 昭和時代, 1926 - 1989), and there is nothing in particular that could be called a ‘dedicated bedroom’ in the residential vernacular architecture of this era: the habitable rooms or ‘daytime rooms’ (hiru-ma 昼間) are all to some degree universal spaces, with sleeping being only one of their uses. Typically these rooms are characterised by tatami mat floors, built-in closets (oshi-ire 押入), and wide openings in one or two walls, infilled with thin fusuma (襖) or lattice-and-paper or lattice-and-glass shо̄ji (障子) sliding panels.

This and the photograph below show the interior of a typical Shо̄wa period (in this case 1960s) apartment. Note the large built-in closets (oshi-ire 押入), tatami mat floors, and wide openings between rooms (here the sliding fusuma or shouji panels have been removed).

Photograph of the same apartment as above, looking in the other direction towards the tiny kitchen. Either or both of the six-mat rooms would be used as a sleeping place.

This transition was driven to a significant degree by the evolution of Japanese bedding (shingu 寝具), from the primitive woven straw bags and thin boro blankets discussed in previous posts, to the modern cotton-filled futon (布団 or 蒲団). The now-common futon, and its associated storage facilities, have played a central role in the development of minka sleeping spaces.

First, a note on terminology. In English, any thin, non-sprung mattress has come to be known as a futon, which is somewhat ironic given that this was the standard and ubiquitous type of mattress found in Europe before the industrial revolution, when it was simply called ‘mattress’. In Japanese, too, futon is the name given to the thin mattress on which one sleeps (more specifically, this is called the shiki-buton 敷き布団, ‘spread futon’); but it also refers to the ‘comforter’ or ‘duvet’ placed over the body (the kake-buton 掛け蒲団, ‘cover futon’), and can additionally be used to refer to these two items together as a ‘set’.

The cotton plant (wata 綿) has been cultivated in Japan for a long time, but for most of this history the fibre (momen 木綿) was used solely for textiles (ori-mono 織物, ‘weave thing’), and the use of raw cotton (genmen 原綿) as a filling for bedding was a luxury limited to the upper classes. It was only relatively recently, with the mass-importation of cheap foreign cotton that began after the opening up of the country at the end of the Edo period (Edo jidai 江戸時代, 1603-1868) and into the Meiji period (Meiji jidai 明治時代, 1868-1912), that cotton-filled futon began to spread, eventually reaching the remotest mountain villages. But even then, houses with small, dedicated, straw-laid ‘permanent bed’ (man-nen-yuka 万年床) bedrooms that did not adopt futon could still be found in such villages. Occasions that might require tidying up the bedroom, such as a guest staying the night, were extremely rare. In the houses of poor peasants (hyaku-shou 百姓, lit. ‘hundred names’), taking up and cleaning futon was just more labour, for which there was neither the leisure, nor the necessity, nor the storage facilities. In Japan’s humid climate, futon should need to be taken up daily and aired regularly, or eventually mould will develop between the futon and the floor.

The cotton plant (wata 綿) with its balls of fibre (momen 木綿).

Despite exceptions, however, it seems safe to say that most people living under the kind of primitive sleeping conditions described by Suzuki Bokushi and Nishiyama Uzо̄ in previous posts in this series — conditions common until the mid-19th century — would have regarded cotton-filled futon as a great blessing. The old ‘permanent bed’ bedrooms, with no ventilation or light, were breeding grounds for pulmonary tuberculosis, and were targeted for elimination by the ‘lifestyle improvement movements’ (seikatsu kaizen undо̄ 生活改善運動) of the 1920s-1960s. But the material circumstances of these houses — open, drafty, and without any means of heating spaces — and the economic circumstances of their occupants, meant that improvement measures were not easily implemented.

With the advent of the cotton-filled futon, bedrooms gradually became more open, as the futon took over the role of trapping heat — previously fulfilled by bedrooms, which preserve heat within four close and solid walls — by instead holding it closer to the body. With this change, the bedroom transformed into a more comfortable and pleasant space, and such a space is also one that becomes attractive for other purposes. An alternative interpretation is that the bedroom was done away with altogether, and sleeping became a secondary nocturnal function of rooms that had other, primary purposes during the day. For these other activities to occur, however, there had to be a place to store bedding to get it out of the way, and so the closet (oshi-ire 押入) was established as the storage place for the futon.

The futon is much bulkier than the thin boro blanket it replaced, but it remains foldable; an oshi-ire depth (between post centres) of half a ken, or 91 cm, has become standard over time, as it allows enough room for futon to be folded into three and stacked.

In other cases, the shūnо̄ (収納) and nando (納戸), previously storage rooms that were also used as bedrooms, became ‘walk-in closets’, exclusively used for the storage (mono-oki 物置き, lit. ‘thing put’) of futon and other items, as their human inhabitants ‘moved out’ to sleep under warm futon in other parts of the house.

The ‘bedroom’ of the post-war Japanese vernacular dwelling is a world away from those found in the oldest minka.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXVIII - INTERIORS 19: SLEEPING AREAS 6

Below are two examples of an unusual type of sleeping place, both from the Kansai region: suspended upper floor (tsuri-ni-kai 吊り二階) servants’ bedrooms, built next to the earth-floored utility areas (doma 土間) of their respective dwellings. Both have windows that look out over the main entrance (о̄-doguchi 大戸口, ‘big entrance’) or gatehouse (nagaya-mon 長屋門, ‘long roof gate’), to better allow the servants to keep an eye on who is coming and going.

Entry to this servants’ bedroom in the Oku (奥) family residence, an Important Cultural Property, is via a fixed three-rung ladder that leads up through a trapdoor. The rails of the ladder are formed by two of the wall posts. The semi-circles above each rung appear to be to prevent users’ feet from marking the white plaster wall, possibly by omitting the plaster from these areas, which would also give users’ feet greater depth of purchase on the rungs. With no corner post supporting it, this room is truly suspended. Osaka Prefecture.

Servants’ bedroom in the Yoshimura (吉村) family residence, an Important Cultural Property. Osaka Prefecture.

Bedrooms were also used as delivery rooms (san-shitsu 産室 ‘birth room’, also called ubu-ya 産屋 ‘birth house’ and san-jo 産所 ‘birth place’). The image below shows a bedroom, called the tsubo-ne (つぼね), that was also used as a delivery room, in the Tsurutomi villa (Tsurutomi yashiki 鶴富屋敷), formerly the Nasu family residence (Nasu-ke jūtaku 那須家住宅), in Shiiba village (Shiiba-son 椎葉村) in Miyazaki Prefecture. The building is designated an Important Cultural Property.

View of the tsubo-ne of the Tsurutomi villa.

The house itself is of a type associated with this mountainous area called the ‘pole house’ (sao-ya 竿家), probably because of the resemblance of the long, narrow plan-form to a bamboo pole. The internal layout is of the ‘perpendicular lineup’ type (heiretsu-shiki 並列式), with a single row of rooms arranged on an axis perpendicular to the room-doma boundary (in this area the doma, the earth-floored utility area, is called the doshi).

The floor plan of the Tsurutomi villa with its tsubo-ne (つぼね) combining the functions of bedroom and childbirth room.

Exterior view looking down the facade of the Tsurutomi villa.

Shiiba village (Shiiba-son 椎葉村), Miyazaki Prefecture.

The de (出, ‘emerge, come out’) of the de-beya (出部屋, ‘emerge room’) bedrooms of Yamagata Prefecture also refers to childbirth (出産 shussan). There were regions in which a communal bedroom hut was built outside the village for menstruating women, women in labour, and those who had just given birth. Hiya, heya, ubu-ya, tsubo-ne, etc., are all names that originally referred to a hut of this type.

In the Tо̄hoku region, bedrooms go by such names as nebeya, nebiya, nema, nedoko, and toko. More broadly, heya, nando, oku, etc., are common across the country. The distribution of chо̄da has been previously discussed. In Kyūshū and other southern regions, bedrooms are called nesho, uchi-ne, and tsubo-ne. While bedrooms in these warm-climate areas are understandably open or ‘airy’ today, sleeping customs in these areas in the era before futon are not well understood — but more on that subject next week.

JAPANESE MINKA LXXVII - INTERIORS 18: SLEEPING AREAS 5

The chо̄dai (帳台, lit. ‘curtain platform’), also called mi-chо̄dai (御帳台) and mi-chо̄ (御帳), was an interior element of Heian Period (Heian jidai 平安時代, 794 - 1185) classical architecture. Essentially a ‘room within a room’, it consisted, as the name suggests, of a raised platform (dai 台), laid with tatami mats, with a frame of posts and beams over which were hung curtains (tobari 帳), the whole thing somewhat resembling a room-sized four-poster bed. It functioned as a sitting place and sleeping place in the shinden-zukuri, (寝殿造り, lit. ‘sleep palace construction’), the residences of the ruling Imperial nobility of the period.

An illustration showing an aerial view of a shinden-zukuri (寝殿造り) residence. The main hall, the shinden (寝殿), is at the centre of the complex.

A mi-chо̄dai (御帳台).

An opulent chо̄dai (帳台) on the occasion of the enthronement of an Emperor.

By the time of the shо̄gun-ruled Muromachi period (Muromachi jidai 室町時代, 1333 - 1573), the chо̄dai itself had faded from prominence with the decline of Imperial power, but the name survived in the compound word chо̄dai-gamae (帳台構え), the formal, ornamented ‘doorway’ in a jо̄dan no ma (上段の間, lit. ‘up step space’), a room raised a step above the main floor level in a new style of residential architecture that emerged in the period called shoin-zukuri (書院造り) or buke-zukuri (武家造り, lit. ‘samurai house construction’).

The Tо̄gudо̄ (東求堂) of Jishо̄ Temple (Jishо̄-ji 慈照寺) in Kyо̄to, a surviving example of the shoin style (shoin-zukuri 書院造り).

A jо̄dan no ma (上段の間), raised a step above the level of the main floor, the edge marked with a lacquered interior sill (kamachi 框).

Normally the entry sill (shikii 敷居) of the chо̄dai-gamae is itself raised above the floor level of the jо̄dan no ma, and the entry head is set a step below the main nageshi (長押, head rail) of the room. The opening is furnished with four beautifully decorated opaque sliding doors (fusuma 襖). The gamae of chо̄dai-gamae is pronounced kamae (構え) when read alone, and means ‘structure’, ‘installation’, ‘device’, ‘function’, etc.

The magnificent chо̄dai-gamae (帳台構え) in the Ninomaru Palace Great Hall (Ninomaru Goten О̄-Hiroma 二の丸御殿大広間) in Nijо̄ Castle (Nijо̄-jо̄ 二条城), Kyо̄to.

As is often the case, the name chо̄dai-gamae eventually worked its way down to the vernacular dwellings of commoners; in minka, it refers to a ‘formal’ entry to a dedicated bedroom; it is also sometimes known as nando-gamae (納戸構え). Perhaps the idea of ‘ornamenting’ this part of the minka interior came, like the name chо̄dai-gamae itself, from samurai residences; or perhaps it was an independent and inevitable outcome of the care and sturdiness with which the bedroom partition wall was constructed, motivated initially by the need to protect valuable possessions and the bodies of the inhabitants sleeping within; the fact that this wall faces the living area also makes it an obvious candidate for ‘special treatment’ as a focus of decorative attention in the interior. It should be noted that while the words ‘ornament’ and ‘decoration’ (kazari 飾り) in the Western architectural tradition imply adornment with classical mouldings, sculptural elements, motifs, and so on, in the context of vernacular Japanese architecture, kazari often simply means ‘constructed with finer joinery, higher-quality members, and more of them’. While the chо̄dai-gamae of minka are in no way as opulent as those of the shoin-zukuri, one element of the minka chо̄dai-gamae that has been retained from its aristocratic Muromachi-era progenitor is the raised sill. The head of the minka chо̄dai-gamae, however, is typically at the same height as the nageshi of the room.

Below is an example of a chо̄dai-gamae in a minka in Kyо̄to. On the side of the bedroom partition that faces the main living areas, called the oe (おえ) and the daidoko (だいどこ), the timber cladding (ita-bame 板羽目) consists of magnificent boards around three centimetres thick, slotted into the bays between closely-spaced posts, reminiscent of the partition wall of the nuri-gome (塗籠) bedroom-storeroom of shinden-zukuri. Here the bedroom wall has developed into something not only sturdy and secure but also attractive.

The construction of the partition wall of the nuri-gome is clearly visible in the lower left of this illustration.

The chо̄dai-gamae in the Yamada family residence, a minka in the Rakuhoku district of Kyо̄to. As in the nuri-gome, horizontal boarrds are slotted into closely spaced posts. The room is secured with a kururu lock; the keyhole and escutcheon for the kururu ‘key’ can be seen in the lower right part of the door. When the door is shut it automatically locks, and cannot be opened from the outside without the key. Kyо̄to City.

The exterior of the bedroom (nando 納戸) of the Imanishi (今西) family residence, an Important Cultural Property, with what is said to be the only remaining chо̄dai-gamae in a townhouse (machiya 町家) in the Kinki region. Above the left half of the high sill is a board-and-stud wall, into or behind which the board door on the right slides. As in the previous example, the kururu keyhole is visible in the lower right part of the door. Nara Prefecture.

Below is the chо̄dai-gamae in a gasshо̄-zukuri (‘praying hands construction’) minka from Etchū Gokayama (越中五箇山) in Toyama Prefecture, with ‘decorative’ cupboards (kazari to-dana 飾り戸棚) on both sides of the entrance. For a farmhouse, this is joinery and construction of the highest class. The room within is ten tatami mats in area; it serves both as the bedroom of the ‘head couple’ (kachо̄ fūfu 家長夫婦, the patriarch of the household and his wife), and as a general storeroom for everything from chests of drawers (tansu 筆笥) and trunks (nagamochi 長持) to grains (koku-rui 穀類). In this region, the room is called the chо̄da (ちょうだ) or chonda (ちょんだ), names that clearly derive from the chо̄dai of the shinden-zukuri. In other areas, such as the Izu Islands (Izu-shotо̄ 伊豆諸島), Tajima (但馬) in Hyо̄go, Shima (志摩) in Mie, Echigo (越後) in Niigata, and Awa (阿波) in Tokushima, the room has retained the name chо̄dai.

The splendidly-constructed chо̄dai-gamae of the Murakami (村上) family residence, designated an Important Cultural Property, in Etchū Gokayama, Toyama Prefecture. The flanking wall next to the sliding door, behind the irori firepit, consists of a single large board called a biwa-ita (琵琶板, ‘lute board’); at left is a shallow decorative alcove, with shelves above, called an oshi-ita (押板).

In the culturally advanced Kinai region, centred around Kyо̄to, Nara and О̄saka, the chо̄dai-gamae disappeared around the middle of the Edo period; even previous to this, many had been converted into ‘regular’ rooms. But from the northern part of Kyо̄to to the Hokuriku region and in cold climate regions like Tо̄hoku, the chо̄dai-gamae remained until relatively recently, unchanged from its old form.